scholarly journals Violence in Martin McDonagh's The Pillowman

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (136) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Basma Abdulhasan Ali ◽  
Sabah Atallah Diyaiy

The 1990s have been of utmost importance for Ireland and the Irish as this decade is characterised by a great diversity of problems: economic problems, unemployment and  migration which came as a result of these problems, racial harassment experienced  abroad, psychological problems, the Troubles  whose serious impact was felt not only in  Northern Ireland but also in the Republic of Ireland, which emerged as a consequence of the conflict between the Catholics and the Protestants because of the political status  of Northern Ireland and which began at the end of the 1960s and ended in 1998 with Belfast Agreement; self-centeredness emerging as a repercussion of the Celtic Tiger period which was witnessed between 1995 and 2000 and which means economic development in Ireland, and, lastly, the problem of violence. Martin McDonagh, an Anglo-Irish playwright represents these problems emphasising the problem of violence encountered in this decade in a satirical but grotesque way particularly in The Pillowman.

1994 ◽  
Vol 150 ◽  
pp. 90-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Begg ◽  
David Mayes

In writing recently about the economic problems that Northern Ireland faces (Begg and Mayes, 1994) we argued, uncontroversially, that an end to the ‘Troubles’ would significantly alter the region's prospects. Our analysis, nevertheless, focused on other factors which might be amenable to policy action. With an end to the Troubles in Northern Ireland now on the cards, these other characteristics of the Northern Ireland economy must be expected to be of increased importance in determining the Province's competitiveness compared with other parts of the UK and, indeed, other regions of the European Union. In particular, Northern Ireland is a prime example of a ‘peripheral’ economy, located as it is at the North-Western corner of the EU and facing the further barrier of a sea crossing to markets other than the Republic of Ireland. It is also a region that shares a number of the characteristics of the older industrial regions of Britain, such as high unemployment, persistent emigration of working-age population and difficulties in achieving industrial restructuring (Harris et al., 1990; Harris 1991).


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 677-690
Author(s):  
Cahal McLaughlin

The film Armagh Stories: Voices from the Gaol (2015)1 is a documentary film edited from the Prisons Memory Archive2 and offers perspectives from those who passed through Armagh Gaol, which housed mostly female prisoners during the political conflict in and about Northern Ireland, known as the Troubles. Armagh Stories is an attempt to represent the experiences of prison staff, prisoners, tutors, a solicitor, chaplain and doctor in ways that are ethically inclusive and aesthetically relevant. By reflecting on the practice of participatory storytelling and its reception in a society transitioning out of violence, I investigate how memory, place and gender combine to suggest ways of addressing the legacy of a conflicted past in a contested present.


1992 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard P. Baudchon

Population movements in the French Pacific territories (French Polynesia, New Caledonia, Wallis and Futuna) are discussed. The local government of French Polynesia and the French authorities have tried since the beginning of the 1980s to prevent migration to Tahiti by retaining the population on the outer islands and by encouraging return migration. In New Caledonia, though the internal migration problem has been overshadowed by political turmoil, the 1988 Matignon Agreement addresses regional development and migration. The future of movement in the French Pacific is partly linked to the political status and economic prosperity of each territory because the actual policies are very expensive and cannot be maintained without external financial assistance.


Author(s):  
Eneko COMPAINS SILVA

LABURPENA: Idazlan honen helburua Brexit-ak Ipar Irlandan uzten duen eskenatokiaren azterketa egitea da, aintzat hartuta Brexit-a Ipar Irlandako herritarren gehiengoaren aurka gauzatuko dela. Horretarako, lehenik, lurralde honek egun duen estatus juridiko-politikoaren azalpena egingo da. Bigarrenik, Brexit-aren ondorio juridiko-konstituzionalen azalpena egingo da, bereziki erreparatuz Ipar Irlandak hura frenatu edota baldintzatzeko dituen tresnei. Hirugarrenik, azken hauteskundeen ondotik geratu den eskenatoki politikoaren azalpena egingo da; eta azkenik, ondorio moduan, etorkizunari begirako aukerak aztertuko dira. ¿Brexit-ak Irlandaren batasunera hurbiltzen gaitu? ¿Erreferendumik egongo da? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo analiza el incierto escenario que deja en Irlanda del Norte el Brexit, que cuenta con el rechazo de la mayoría ciudadana norirlandesa. Para ello, se explicará primeramente cuál es el estatus jurídico-político que tiene Irlanda del Norte a día de hoy. En segundo lugar, se explicarán las implicaciones jurídico-constitucionales del Brexit así como las herramientas legales que tiene Irlanda del Norte para frenarlo o condicionarlo. En tercer lugar, se analizará el escenario político que queda en la isla tras las últimas elecciones; y en cuarto y último lugar, a modo de conclusión, se analizarán las opciones de futuro. ¿Nos acerca el Brexit a la unidad de Irlanda? ¿Habrá referéndum? ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to analyze the uncertain scenario that Brexit, which is rejected by a majority of the Northern-Irish society, leaves in Northern Ireland. With this purpose, we first explain the legal-political status of Northern Ireland nowadays. Secondly, we explain the legal and constitutional implications of the Brexit as well as the legal tools that Northern Ireland has to curb or condition it. Thirdly, we analyze the political scenario that remains on this devolved region after the last elections; and finally, we analyze future options. Are we approaching the unity of Ireland? Will there be a referendum?


Author(s):  
Mark Phelan

The signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 was a watershed moment in Irish culture, as much as in the political sphere. Up until that moment, late twentieth-century Irish history had been dominated by the conflict that erupted in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s, and Northern Irish theatre was dominated by the ‘Troubles play’—initially in the 1960s in the work of Sam Thompson, and later in plays by writers such as John Boyd, Graham Reid, and, in more complex ways, behind the formally adventurous work of Stewart Parker and Anne Devlin. However, since 1998, writers such as Owen McCafferty have inaugurated the search for a theatrical form appropriate to a post-conflict culture in which scars and divisions still remained. This chapter covers the arc of development of Northern drama over the period, leading up to some of the innovative performances of companies such as Theatre of Witness.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan José Cogolludo Díaz

Based on Philoctetes, the tragic play by Sophocles, the poet Seamus Heaney creates his own version in The Cure at Troy to present the political and social problems in Northern Ireland during the period that became known euphemistically as ‘the Troubles’. This paper aims to highlight the significance of Heaney’s play in the final years of the conflict. Heaney uses the classical Greek play to bring to light the plight and suffering of the Northern Irish people as a consequence of the atavistic and sectarian violence between the unionist and nationalist communities. Nevertheless, Heaney also provides possible answers that allow readers to harbour a certain degree of hope towards peace and the future in Northern Ireland.


Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

By the end of the 2010s, Sinn Féin was by far the strongest republican voice was rapidly building a stronger base in the Republic of Ireland where it had become the third largest party in the Dáil. But, the structures of the Peace Process and the Stormont Assembly meant that it was no further to significantly challenging of the political status quo in Northern Ireland. The vote for Brexit, based as it was on a binary notion of British sovereignty that had been fudged by the Good Friday Agreement, changed that. The nature of Britain’s exiting of the European Union had massive ramifications of the Irish border. With a majority of people in Northern Ireland voting to remain (with 85% of the nationalist population doing so), the unionist veto over the wishes of the wider population came under deeper scrutiny. For Sinn Féin, which had been a long-term critic of the EU, this provided an opportunity putting the border back on the agenda. For dissidents, they found themselves in the unlikely position of sharing the same political standpoint as Nigel Farage, Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, and, allegedly, the Queen.


2020 ◽  
pp. 107-132
Author(s):  
Neville Bolt

Pictures speak louder than words. Violent acts create opportunity spaces––a hiatus in the political status quo shaken beyond comprehension for a brief time. In that moment, the state struggles to control the normality of its monopoly on violence and people’s confidence in the state’s ability to deliver security. If that space is prepared before the event with stories of struggle and grievance, the act caught on camera becomes a metaphor and an icon through which audiences connect to frames of understanding. Complex problems are simplified. And for a brief time an opportunity space opens to be exploited. This may be called shock doctrine. Chapter 4 explores the meaning of violent images from Iran to Pakistan and Northern Ireland.


Author(s):  
John Mulqueen

At the beginning of the 1960s, the Soviet Union decided to support national liberation movements to undermine the US and its allies worldwide. Concurrently, the IRA leadership began to emphasise socialism and co-operate with communists in various agitations – the most significant would be the Northern Ireland civil rights movement. This chapter discusses perceptions of the republican movement’s ‘new departure’. William Craig, the Northern Ireland minister of home affairs, contended that the communist-influenced IRA aimed to manipulate the civil rights issue as a prelude to another armed campaign. In 1969 Northern Ireland’s prime minister, Major James Chichester-Clark, warned that some civil rights protesters aimed to create an ‘Irish Cuba’. The civil rights campaign inadvertently worsened sectarian tensions in Northern Ireland, leading to the outbreak of the Troubles.


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