scholarly journals COUNTERING TEMPORARY OCCUPATION: INTERNATIONAL ASPECT, FOREIGN EXPERIENCE, AND NATIONAL REALITIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-19
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Kushnir ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
State Regulations ◽  
Foreign Experience ◽  
Complex Concept ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus

This article provides a comprehensive study in areas of counteraction to the temporarily occupied territories of a sovereign state. Regulations, doctrinal approaches, international experience serve as a subject to this study in the context of a set of functional national activities of states that have faced the issue of territories’ separation. Particular attention is paid to foreign experience in counteracting the temporary occupation through the prism of the Republic of Cyprus which held an activity to counter the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, as one of the most successful examples of confrontation with the temporarily occupied territories for a long time and comparing Ukraine's activities in this field. To this end, the author conducts a comprehensive analysis of measures aimed at combating the spread and recognition of the temporarily occupied territories of the Republic of Cyprus, as well as the scientific achievements of international scientists who have studied this issue. Analyzing these objects, the author carries out the qualification based on the criteria of differentiation of measures accepted by foreign scientists and determines which measures were implemented to solve the same problem in Ukraine. Given the personal experience of operational and service activities of the author and a deep awareness of this topic, it is proposed to expand the generally accepted areas of counteraction. The author provides the grounding of additional direction on how to counter the expansion and recognition of the Ukrainian temporarily occupied territories, disclosing a complex of measures which were, and can be introduced for its realization. The result of this study is the formation of the author's approach to defining the complex concept of «counteraction to temporary occupation», the formation of a list of national measures to combat the temporarily occupied territories, and their classification, as well as proposals for the most effective countermeasures and their further use in law enforcement.

Ottoman ghosts and legacies: A drift through the Dead Zone in Cyprus

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 586-588
Author(s):  
Alev Adil
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Dead Zone ◽  
Border Zone ◽  
World War ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Greek Cypriot ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
Commercial Street

This creative piece explores traces and erasures of a Cypriot Ottoman heritage by transposing autoethnographic and psychogeographical practice to Europe’s southernmost capital, Nicosia. It walks the border zone in Nicosia, once the site of the river Pedios, later a major Ottoman commercial street, a boundary from 1958 to 1974, and since then, a Dead Zone and the internationally contested border between the Republic of Cyprus and the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Photography and writing are presented in conjunction with pages in Ottoman Turkish by my great-grandfather, the poet Imam Mustafa Nuri Effendi, who made a notebook from the English periodical The War Pictorial while incarcerated as an enemy alien in Kyrenia Castle by the British during World War I. I explore how these pages speak of my transcultural Ottoman, Turkish-Greek-Cypriot and English heritages and of changes in Cypriot culture in the century between his war and ours.

scholarly journals Interest group influence in micro-states: the role of networking skills

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Direnç Kanol
Keyword(s):  
Interest Group ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Expert Interviews ◽  
Group Influence ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
Interest Group Influence

This paper argues that an interest group’s networking skills in micro-states may be as important, if not more important than other variables discussed in the interest group influence literature. This argument is based on the recent literature on democratisation in micro-states which shows that politics in these states is personalistic in nature. The argument is supported by expert interviews undertaken in the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

scholarly journals A theoretical approach to the Cyprus Problem: Neoclassical Realism with Neoliberalism

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-59
Author(s):  
Nikos Lekakis
Keyword(s):  
International System ◽  
Small States ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Greek Cypriot ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
Turkish Cypriot ◽  
Shed Light

Abstract This paper, which covers the period of the 2004 Annan Plan and its rejection to date, places the Cyprus Problem in an International Relations theoretic framework. It searches for a “foreign policy outcome,” essentially a decision by the leaders of the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot communities, to politically reunite these two communities under the auspices of the UN. The paper provides a synthesis of the neo-liberal and the neoclassical realist paradigms, aiming to better interpret the existing experience and to shed light on the prospect of a future solution to the problem. The strategic environment for the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) is ‘permissive’ because the message sent by the international system for reunification does not require the use of hard power. The leaders of the two communities play a key role, although the strategic political culture in small states such as the TRNC is not developed and state-society relations are underdeveloped. Also, the civil society at large can play a role in influencing the leaders' images regarding the reunification opportunity.

Epilogue

2020 ◽  
pp. 137-144
Author(s):  
James F. Goode
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
Profile Approach

Conditions on Cyprus have evolved in predictable ways. The two communities have moved further apart; the Republic of Cyprus has become economically successful, and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus remains something of a backwater. Attempts to resolve differences have failed. The discovery of nearby oil and gas reserves has only exacerbated these differences. US administrations have maintained a low-profile approach to the dispute, urging the United Nations to take the lead. The Reagan administration came to rely on Turkey as a point of stability in the region, and US assistance increased accordingly.

A New Period in the Cyprus Conflict: Can Anastasiadis and Akıncı Change the Status Quo?

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-148
Author(s):  
Mehmet Direkli
Keyword(s):  
Charismatic Leader ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
New Period ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
Cyprus Conflict ◽  
Greek Cypriots

A new leading actor has been added to the Cyprus Conflict. The winner of the Presidential elections held on the morning of Sunday, 26 April 2015, in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti – TRNC) was the independent candidate Mustafa Akıncı. Both Nicos Anastasiades, who was elected President of the Republic of Cyprus in 2013, and Akıncı are rare leaders supporting the Fifth Annan Plan, which was rejected in a referendum by the Greek Cypriots in 2004. One of the most vital catalysts that could play a role in the resolution of the Cyprus Conflict is a charismatic leader who aims for the resolution of the conflict. Whether the current Presidents have this personality and can change the current balances that are monopolized by the conservatives-nationalists on the Island will be revealed as a result of the negotiations. This article briefly tackles the UN parameters relative to the Cyprus Conflict and addresses the problems awaiting Presidents Anastasiades and Akıncı during the peace negotiations that have started anew.

Turkish Cypriots - A People Unfairly Treated And Isolated by the International Community

Belleten ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 73 (266) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
Salâhi R. Sonyel
Keyword(s):  
The European Union ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Turkish People ◽  
Principles Of Justice ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
The Right ◽  
Greek Cypriots

The struggles of the Turkish people of Cyprus for their existence and human rights began immediately after the signing of the Cyprus Agreement, on 4 June 1878, between the Ottoman State and England (Britain), giving the latter the right to occupy Cyprus provisionally. These struggles accelerated following attempts by the Greek Cypriots, pampered by the British, to aspire for enosis (union with Greece), and reached the zenith after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960. The Greek Cypriots, who believed that the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus was provisional, and dreamt of the Megali Idea (Great Ideal), in the fulfilment of Greek imperialism, prepared various secret plans and plots in order to cow down, and eliminate the Turkish Cypriots, which they began to implement in 1964. However, there were splits and divisions among them, which led to the Sampson coup d'etat in 1974. However, there were splits and divisions among them, which led to the Sampson coup d'etat in 1974, thereby causing Turkey to intervene, as one of the guarantor powers, in order to protect the Turkish Cypriots against the Greek-Cypriot plans to exterminate them. However, Western states and organisations, and particularly the European Union (EU), which admire, and are under the influence of, ancient Hellenes continued, and still continue, to recognise the government of South Cyprus as the 'legal government' of the whole island and refuse to recognise the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. As a result, the Turkish Cypriots have been subjected to isolation, unfairly and contrary to the principles of justice. In this monograph I shall try to reveal as to how and why the EU decided, with the pressure of Greece, to admit South Cyprus to membership contrary to the principles of fairness, justice and legality.

scholarly journals Historic squares’ identity expression: Namik Kemal Square, Famagusta-Cyprus

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-74
Author(s):  
Ejeng Ukabi ◽  
◽  
Ayten Özsavaş Akçay ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Art ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Functional Changes ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Social ◽  
Structural Image ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
Art And Architecture ◽  
Identity Expression

Historic square's naturalistic layers harmonize in contrast with man's unstable taste, changing intentions with time, and neoliberal policies. Consequently, the challenge of what will stand out on the square's expression to the future remains an enormous pertinence amid the identity struggle. Recall that historic squares represent the bedrock for the chronological events that shaped human settlements, be it socio-economic, cultural, religious, political, art and architecture, educational, and folklore. This paper aims to analyze the square's identity as part of its historical and cultural representation. Besides, examine the layers on the surfaces (facades) facing it and their functional changes from history to now. The paper adopted an integrated study approach, using a literature review simultaneously with fieldwork to perform the analysis to describe and observe beyond the structural image to the social implications of the surrounding works of art, architecture, and nature. Based on the results, Namik Kemal Square is characterized socially, physically, and functionally by the surfaces of Lusignan, Venetian, Ottoman, British, Republic of Cyprus, the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus, and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus to now. The square exemplifies a mix of hard/soft surfaces and old/new textual layers. Presently, some functions have changed; others are changing, while only a small percentage maintained uncompromising character. The study hypothesizes that though place remains, occupancy changes with pre-existing tissues. Therefore, the surfaces of the diverse identities about people's existence in a setting (square) should be conserved for livability. Furthermore, design principles that will displace the square's identity should be discouraged.

scholarly journals "The shadows of no man's land" : crossing the border in the divided capital of Nicosia, Cyprus

2007 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Boedeltje ◽  
H. van Houtum ◽  
O. T. Kramsch
Keyword(s):  
Common Market ◽  
Grey Zone ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The North ◽  
Greek Cypriot ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
The Eu

Abstract. In May 2004, only Greek Cyprus joined the European Union. The EU did not negotiate with Northern Cyprus as the Greek Cypriot government is acknowledged as sole representative of Cyprus. Despite this, after more than two years of EU membership, the Republic of Cyprus is seen in a positive light by the people of Northern Cyprus. Through the grey zone of the acquis communautaire, north Nicosia and Cyprus profit from European modernisation and the common market. Although the northern part of the island is still often labelled as «occupied territory», in the light of recent European developments. Nicosia, and with it Cyprus, seem to no longer be solely defined by their Green Line. This grey, self-created Option means that the EU has indeed had a significant effect on the «Cyprus issue». For the Greek Cypriot authorities, their hoped-for advantage of a stronger negotiation position in Europe did not turn out as expected. For the north, their fragile socio-economic structures appear to have benefited from the common market with the Republic of Cyprus. Despite the current partitioning of Nicosia, this city may therefore be understood today as a unique example of urban osmosis.The conclusion is made that both the long-term impact of the new osmosis which is taking place at street level in the city of Nicosia, and the city's capacity for co-optation and resistance, should be assessed and perceived not in the form of traditional geopolitical narratives, but in a form more sensitive to its complex context.

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