scholarly journals Interaction between national and religious: secessionist conflicts in Ukraine

2009 ◽  
pp. 211-215
Author(s):  
Olga V. Nedavnya
Keyword(s):  

The deployment of interaction between national and religious, in particular in Ukraine, is one of the most significant phenomena that make history from the distant past to the present. From the writings of the apostles and Europe's oldest chroniclers to the most up-to-date studies of historians, religious scholars, theologians, these issues are analyzed in one way or another. However, scholars, at least domestic, have rarely articulated such an aspect, the identification and the result of interaction between national and religious, as secessionist conflicts. Instead, this is the way to qualify for a number of conflicts, including in our country, that have grown or nourished on religious and denominational grounds. Studying at a given point of view conflicts with religious and denominational components is very important, because it takes the issues from an emotionally crowded, vulnerable delicate field of spirit (by which time the political components are deliberately hidden or mashed) to a rational and pragmatic legal base, its legal and pragmatic legal field may, at least, begin to resolve the conflict.

Author(s):  
Natalia Solntseva ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of G. Ivanov’s judgments about K. Leontiev. The sharpness of Ivanov’s statements is explained by the similarity of Leontiev’s views with the ideology of a new generation of emigrants, including members of the fairly mass party of “mladorosses” (young Russians). From the point of view of Ivanov, Leontiev’s political convictions in many ways contain a danger for the formation of the worldview of contemporaries. Leontiev’s idea that liberal-egalitarian progress would lead to the collapse of the Empire was combined with his belief in the possibility of protective socialism in Russia and a socialist monarch, blessed by the Church. The “mladorosses” were social monarchists who believed that with the older generation of Bolsheviks leaving the political arena, Bolshevism would come to an end; they saw the Soviets without the Bolsheviks as a promising form of self-government. In the political activization of the younger generation of emigrants, their way of thinking, Ivanov was not satisfied with the opposition to the ideals of the old emigration. He considered the ideas of the “new Russian people” contradictory and illusory, and expressed his beliefs in a number of articles. The deceptive hope of emigrants for the Soviets without the Bolsheviks is the motif of the famous poem “The way is Free under Thermopylae...” Ivanov created a complex, contradictory portrait of Leontiev; he is partly close to the opinion of N. Berdyaev, S. Bulgakov, V. Rozanov in his assessments of Leontiev’s human qualities and judgments.


Author(s):  
Vincent Chiao

This chapter extends the public law conception to the theory of criminalization. The first half of the chapter is devoted to considering whether the criminal law has a privileged subject matter or “core,” focusing especially on Feinberg’s influential account of the criminal law as a system of direct prohibitions. The chapter argues that a subject-matter-based approach has difficulty coming to grips with actual criminal law systems in modern administrative states, in which so-called mala prohibita offenses predominate. The second half of the chapter turns to sketching how we might approach the question of criminalization from a public law point of view, both in general and with reference to the political ideal of anti-deference (sketched in Chapter 3) in particular. Along the way, the chapter argues that the (very popular) wrongfulness principle turns out to be either empty or implausible, and hence that we should reject any version of the harm principle, or of legal moralism, that presupposes it.


1957 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Diamantopoulos

The humour of the passage in the Frogs (1419 ff.), in which the tragic poets reply with riddles on burning political issues, is explicable: research on the Eumenides shows that in this play Aeschylus projected political notions in much the way that he is presented by Aristophanes speaking in the Frogs: concentrating the attention of the spectator on the past of the Areopagus and on the circumstance of its foundation, he touches directly on the question which arose in 462–1 through the abolition of the political competence of this body, but he replies to it through a parable which is enigmatic for us. It is obviously such an expression as this that Aristophanes had in mind. It rests with philological and historical criticism to show whether in surviving tragedies other than Eumenides themes of an immediate public interest are put forward under the cover of myth, themes which, through ignorance of the date or of the exact conditions of the composition of the plays, have so far not been revealed. This essay examines from this point of view the Danaid tetralogy of Aeschylus.The subject of the Danaid tetralogy is taken from the story of Danaos and his daughters. For this, Aeschylus could draw on both a literary source, the Danais, and probably also on Argive traditions.Very little is known about the Danais. It did, however, include an account of the events which took place in Egypt between the houses of Danaos and Aigyptos, and it is likely, therefore, that it traced the course of this quarrel from the beginning.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Σταυρούλα ΧΟΝΔΡΙΔΟΥ

  <p>Stauroula Hondridou</p><p>The plot of Romanus Boïlas: A Type of Concpiracy Prevention in the Mid-Eleventh Century</p><p> </p><p>Conspiracy was not rare during the long-lived history of Byzantium. Accordingly, the plot of Romanus Boïlas against Constantine IX Monomachos, in the middle of the 11th century, would not have been of great interest, if the way by which the Byzantine emperor handled it did not render it an event worth to investigate.</p><p>According to the sources, Romanus Boïlas served Monomachos' bodyguard battalions, when he acquainted the emperor. Soon, he rose in the state hierarchy and became politically powerful, a fact that enabled him to conspire against the throne. His plot was revealed before his attempting to assassinate the emperor and was himself arrested. However, during the trial Monomachos tried to acquit Boïlas by claiming the offender's naiveté and honesty. After the deliberations, Monomachos honoured Boïlas with a symposium, while Boïlas abettors were arrested, tortured, deprived of their property and exiled.</p><p>Byzantine historiographers interpret Monomacho's peculiar reaction as the result of his dependency on Boïlas, whom they consider as the emperor's buffoon, although the Emperor was in his hands a weak-willed tool.</p><p>Nevertheless, the thorough examination of the sources, the investigation of the two heroes' profiles according to the point of view represented by Byzantine historiographers, and the detailed study of the political events at the time of the conspiracy, lead us to a different conclusion. Thus, Boïlas' plot is not to be seen as a hostile action targeting the central, imperial power, but rather as a means by which the imperial power attempted to control a conspiracy against itself.</p>


Focaal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (76) ◽  
pp. 3-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Jaoul

Does the dominant, statist conception of citizenship offer a satisfying framework to study the politicization of subaltern classes? This dialectical exploration of the political movements that emerge from the suppressed margins of Indian society questions their relationship to the state and its outcomes from the point of view of emancipation. As this special section shows, political ethnographers of “insurgent citizenship” among Dalits and Adivasis offer a view from below. The articles illustrate the way political subjectivities are being produced on the ground by confronting, negotiating, but also exceeding the state and its policed frameworks.


1981 ◽  
Vol 113 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
T'ien Ju-kang

The significance of Chêng Ho's voyages (1405–1433) has usually been considered purely from the political point of view. In that connection he is noted as the Muslim eunuch who lived from A.D. 1371–1433, and commanded a force in support of the Yung-lo Emperor's seizure of the Ming throne. Thereafter, from 1405, he commanded half a dozen enormous fleets, which sailed to Southeast Asia, India, the Gulf, and eventually East Africa. In the legend of the overseas Chinese, he was ultimately deified as the Prince of the Three Gems.The emphasis of the present paper is however economic. It attempts to analyse the way in which the pepper brought from overseas was distributed; and to evaluate the influence of the seven voyages of Cheng Ho on the opening of trade relations between China and Afro-Asian countries, and the increased circulation of foreign goods in the Chinese market at that time.


2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Donald Beecher

This is a study of a Renaissance artist and his patrons, but with an added complication, insofar as Leone de' Sommi, the gifted academician and playwright in the employ of the dukes of Mantua in the second half of the sixteenth century, was Jewish and a lifelong promoter and protector of his community. The article deals with the complex relationship between the court and the Jewish "università" concerning the drama and the way in which dramatic performances also became part of the political, judicial and social negotiations between the two parties, as well as a study of Leone's role as playwright and negotiator during a period that was arguably one of the best of times for the Jews of Mantua.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


Author(s):  
Saitya Brata Das

This book rigorously examines the theologico-political works of Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph von Schelling, setting his thought against Hegel's and showing how he prepared the way for the post-metaphysical philosophy of Martin Heidegger, Franz Rosenzweig and Jacques Derrida.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


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