scholarly journals The U.S. Tomato Industry: An Overview of Production and Trade

EDIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhengfei Guan ◽  
Trina Biswas ◽  
Feng Wu

Tomatoes are one of the world's most consumed vegetable crops. In the United States, domestic production meets about 40% of the total domestic demand for fresh-market tomatoes, with the rest of the demand met by imports, mostly from Mexico and Canada. Since 2000, however, fresh tomato production in the United States has exhibited a steady declining trend. One major reason is the increased competition from Mexico. This 4-page fact sheet written by Zhengfei guan, Trina Biswas, and Feng Wu and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department argues for US government measures to help the domestic tomato industry resolve labor shortages and encourage research and development of labor-saving technologies such as mechanical harvesting to make the US tomato industry more competitive and sustainable. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1027

EDIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Trina Biswas ◽  
Zhengfei Guan ◽  
Feng Wu

Bell pepper is one of the most widely cultivated vegetable crops in the world; it is widely grown all over the United States, and production of bell pepper has been a major economic contribution to the vegetable industry in Florida and California. This 4-page fact sheet written by Trina Biswas, Zhengfei Guan, and Feng Wu and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department provides an overview of the US bell pepper industry, including production, prices, and trade. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1028


2013 ◽  
Vol 93 (5) ◽  
pp. 839-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mercedes Borja-Bravo ◽  
José Alberto García-Salazar ◽  
Rhonda K. Skaggs

Borja-Bravo, M., García-Salazar, J. A. and Skaggs, R. K. 2013. Mexican fresh tomato exports in the North American market: A case study of the effects of productivity on competitiveness. Can. J. Plant Sci. 93: 839–850. The North American market for fresh tomatoes (Lycopersicon escolentum Mill.) involves a complicated web of bilateral trading relationships between the United States, Mexico and Canada. Trade in fresh tomatoes between the three countries has changed significantly in recent years. In particular, Mexico's share of total US fresh tomato imports from all countries decreased from 93 to 88%, while Canada's share of US fresh tomato imports increased from 3 to 11% between 1996 and 2009. Mexico's declining competitive position in the US fresh tomato market is also evidenced by the fact that the Mexican share of combined Mexico–Canada exports to the United States decreased from 97% to 89% between 1996 and 2009. A spatial and inter-temporal model was used to analyze the impact of increased Mexican tomato yields on the North American fresh tomato market. Results indicate that for the average year between 2005 and 2008, 20% higher yields would have resulted in a 15.1% increase in Mexico's tomato production and a 28.9% increase in fresh tomato exports from Mexico to the United States. As a result of higher Mexican tomato sector productivity, Canadian and US producers’ shares of the US fresh tomato market would decrease and Mexico's would increase from 35.0 to 41.9%. The model shows that Mexico's share of US fresh tomato imports from both Mexico and Canada would grow from 88.1 to 90.3% as a result of the increased productivity. These results lead to the recommendation that increasing yields of this important export crop are key to maintaining and increasing the North American market competitiveness of Mexican-produced fresh tomatoes.


EDIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhengfei Guan ◽  
Feng Wu ◽  
Steven A. Sargent

Florida accounts for 30% to 40% of all commercially produced fresh-market tomatoes in the United States. Almost every southern county in the state grows tomatoes. This 4-page fact sheet written by Zhengfei Guan, Feng Wu, and Steven Sargent and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department presents the results of a 2015 study that examined the time it takes to harvest this important crop. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1026


EDIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhengfei Guan ◽  
Dong Hee Suh ◽  
Hayk Khachatryan ◽  
Feng Wu

The United States is the second largest producer of strawberries after China, and Florida, along with California, accounts for about 98% of the total US production. In recent years, the US strawberry industry has become increasingly concerned with competition from Mexico. This 3-page fact sheet written by Zhengfei Guan, Dong Hee Suy, Hayk Khachatryan, and Feng Wu and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department describes the impact of imported strawberries on the Florida strawberry industry and explains how the industry can adapt to meet the challenge. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1022


Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Israa Daas ◽  

Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements


Author(s):  
Earl H. Fry

This article examines the ebb and flow of the Quebec government’s economic and commercial relations with the United States in the period 1994–2017. The topic demonstrates the impact of three major forces on Quebec’s economic and commercial ties with the US: (1) the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) which became operational in 1994 and was fully implemented over a 15-year period; (2) the onerous security policies put in place by the US government in the decade following the horrific events of 11 September 2001; and (3) changing economic circumstances in the United States ranging from robust growth to the worst recession since the Great Depression of the 1930s. The article also indicates that the Quebec government continues to sponsor a wide range of activities in the United States, often more elaborate and extensive than comparable activities pursued by many nation-states with representation in the US. 1 1 Stéphane Paquin, ‘Quebec-U.S. Relations: The Big Picture’, American Review of Canadian Studies 46, no. 2 (2016): 149–61.


2020 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Robert Sutter

This chapter reviews Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and People’s Republic of China (PRC) interactions with the United States since the 1940s, and it reveals a general pattern of the United States at the very top of China’s foreign priorities. Among those few instances where China seemed to give less attention to the United States was the post-2010 period, which saw an ever more powerful China advancing at US expense. However, China’s rapid advance in economic, military, and diplomatic power has progressively alarmed the US government, which now sees China as its main international danger. Looking forward into the future, deteriorating US-China relations have enormous consequences for both countries, the Asia-Pacific region, and the world.


Author(s):  
Selfa A. Chew

The lives of Latin American Japanese were disrupted during World War II, when their civil and human rights were suspended. National security and continental defense were the main reasons given by the American countries consenting to their uprooting. More than 2,000 ethnic Japanese from Peru, Panama, Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico, and Nicaragua were transferred as “illegal aliens” to internment camps in the United States. Initially, US and Latin American agencies arrested and deported male ethnic Japanese, regardless of their citizenship status. During the second stage, women and children joined their relatives in the United States. Most forced migration originated in Peru. Brazil and Mexico established similar displacement programs, ordering the population of Japanese descent to leave the coastal zones, and in the case of Mexico the border areas. In both countries, ethnic Japanese were under strict monitoring and lost property, employment, and family and friend relationships, losses that affected their health and the opportunity to support themselves in many cases. Latin American Japanese in the United States remained in camps operated by the Immigration and Naturalization Service and the army for the duration of the war and were among the last internees leaving the detention facilities, in 1946. At the conclusion of World War II, the Latin American countries that had agreed to the expulsion of ethnic Japanese limited greatly their return. Some 800 internees were deported to Japan from the United States by the closure of the camps. Those who remained in North America were allowed to leave the camps to work in a fresh produce farm in Seabrook, New Jersey, without residency or citizenship rights. In 1952, immigration restrictions for former Latin American internees were lifted. Latin American governments have not apologized for the uprooting of the ethnic Japanese, while the US government has recognized it as a mistake. In 1988, the United States offered a symbolic compensation to all surviving victims of the internment camps in the amount of $20,000. In contrast, in 1991, Latin American Japanese survivors were granted only $5,000.


Author(s):  
Diana Wylie

The Tangier American Legation Museum reflects the evolution of Moroccan–American relations over two centuries. Morocco, the first country to recognize the independence of the United States (1777), became the site of the first overseas American diplomatic mission in 1821 when the sultan gave the US government title to the museum’s current home—8 rue d’Amérique (zankat America)—in the old city of Tangier. The building went on to house the US consulate (1821–1905), legation (1905–1956), a State Department Foreign Service language school (1961–1970), and a Peace Corps training center (1970–1973), before becoming a museum dedicated to displaying art and artifacts about Morocco and Moroccan–American relations (1976). Despite the official story of the origin of the forty-one-room museum, its holdings and activities since the late 20th century derive more from unofficial American relationships with Morocco than from US government policy. The private actions of individual Americans and Moroccans, with some State Department support, led the museum to become in the late 20th century a research and cultural center serving academics and the broad public, including the people in its neighborhood (Beni Ider). In 1981 the US Department of the Interior put the Legation on the National Register of Historic Places, and in 1982 it became the only site outside the United States designated as a National Historic Landmark due to its past diplomatic and military significance, as well as to the building’s blend of Moroccan and Spanish architectural styles.


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