scholarly journals POLITIK OFENSIF AMERIKA SERIKAT TERHADAP SIKAP DEFENSIF IRAN: DARI PERANG PROKSI HINGGA DOMINASI

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-139
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zainal Mustofa ◽  
Nurus Syarifah
Keyword(s):  
Its Region ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
White House ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Important Concern ◽  
The Us ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
The Government ◽  
Defense Theory

ABSTRACT This article describes the conflict between the United States and Iran in the form of a proxy war taking place in Syria and Yemen. The conflict culminated in the attack from US against Iran on January 3, 2020 in Iraq. The proxy war that took place between US and Iran, the plan of the US when cornered by Iran, and Iran’s response to the actions of the US will be explain in this paper. This study uses Offense-Defense theory as a means of analyzing the two countries. The method used in this research is descriptive analytical. The research concludes that the US and Iran are involved in proxy wars in Syria and Yemen. In Syria, the US stands as a supporter of government groups. Meanwhile, Iran stands as a group supporting the government. In Yemen, the US stands as a supporter of the government. Meanwhile, Iran stands as a supporter of supporters. The series of proxy wars led to an escalation due to the conflict suffered by the US. The White House then killed Mayor General Qassem Soleimani, who is an influential general in Iran, for being the actor behind the failure of their plan. Iran then responded with attacks on US military bases in Iraq. The reply is also an important concern for the US to increase security in its region. Keywords: conflict culminated; proxy war; offense-defense; Qassem Soleimani.   ABSTRAK Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang konflik antara Amerika Serikat dan Iran dalam bentuk perang proksi yang terjadi di Suriah dan Yaman. Kulminasi konflik tersebut berupa serangan dari AS terhadap Iran pada tanggal 3 Januari 2020 di Irak. Perang proksi yang terjadi antara AS-Iran, rencana AS ketika tersudutkan oleh Iran, dan respons Iran terhadap tindakan AS akan dipaparkan dalam tulisan ini. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori ofensif-defensif sebagai sarana untuk menganalisis konflik kedua negara. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analitis. Adapun hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa AS dan Iran terlibat perang proksi di Suriah dan Yaman. Di Suriah, AS berdiri sebagai pendukung kelompok oposisi pemerintah. Sedangkan Iran berdiri sebagai kelompok pendukung pemerintah. Di Yaman, AS berdiri sebagai pendukung pemerintah. Sedangkan Iran berdiri sebagai pendukung oposisi. Serangkaian perang proksi tersebut menimbulkan eskalasi konflik akibat kekalahan yang diderita oleh AS. Pihak Gedung Putih kemudian membunuh Mayor Jenderal Qassem Soleimani yang merupakan jenderal berpengaruh di Iran karena dianggap sebagai aktor di balik kegagalan rencana mereka. Iran kemudian merespons dengan serangan ke basis militer AS di Irak. Balasan tersebut sekaligus menjadi atensi penting bagi AS untuk meningkatkan keamanan di wilayahnya. Kata kunci: kulminasi konflik; perang proksi; teori ofensif-defensif; Qassem Soleimani.  

scholarly journals The Eagle's Nest in the Horn of Africa: US Military Strategic Deployment in Djibouti

2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Degang Sun ◽  
Yahia H. Zoubir
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Sao Tome And Principe ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Japanese Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Host Nation

Djibouti is the only country in the world in which US, French, German, Italian, Spanish, and Japanese military forces are stationed simultaneously; China will soon have a presence there as well. The US military deployment in Djibouti has shifted from a soft military presence to an arrangement of significant strategic import, and from a small outpost to a large garrison in the past two decades. The internal dynamics of the US deployment are geopolitical, as the US presence facilitates the carrying out of its strategies regarding antiterrorism, anti-proliferation, the protection of energy investments, and anti-piracy. The external dynamics of the US deployment are geo-economic: the government of Djibouti, as the host nation, reaps economic windfalls from the US presence in this strategically located country. Given that the United States has failed since 2008 to persuade any country on the continent to host AFRICOM, the base in Djibouti is likely to remain the only one in East Africa. Djibouti may be part of a pattern whereby some small African nations, such as São Tomé and Príncipe, collect revenue through the provision of military bases to big powers.

The Sinking of the Ehime Maru: The Interaction of Culture, Security Interests and Domestic Politics in an Alliance Crisis

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
CURTIS H. MARTIN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Loss Of Life ◽  
Alliance Partner ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Security Levels ◽  
The Government ◽  
Considerable Pressure

The loss of life that resulted from the sinking of the fisheries training vessel Ehime Maru by the nuclear submarine USS Greeneville off Hawaii in February 2001 exemplifies the risks to United States–Japan alliance relations posed by US global military deployments. Following a pattern of incidents involving the US military in Japan itself, the collision violated Japanese expectations of benevolence from its stronger partner and put considerable pressure on the government to seek public apology and reassurance. This article examines the interplay of culture, national security interests and domestic politics in framing both perceptions and diplomacy during the crisis. While differences at both the cultural and security levels complicated diplomacy, asymmetry in the respective domestic political stakes, combined with overriding and largely congruent security interests, helped the United States to provide Japan with the requisite reassurance. After a decade of alliance drift, both Japan and the United States were determined to forestall defection by their alliance partner.

Crisis in the Civil-Military Triangle?

2020 ◽  
pp. 191-206
Author(s):  
William E. Rapp
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The People ◽  
The Us ◽  
High Regard ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Despite the high regard for the US military by the American public, a number of tensions continue to grow in civil-military relations in the United States. These are exacerbated by a lack of clarity, and thus productive debate, in the various relationships inherent in civil and military interaction. By trisecting civil military relations into the relations between the people and the military, the military and the government, and the people and the government on military issues, this chapter examines the potential for crisis in coming years. Doing so allows for greater theoretical and popular understanding and thus action in addressing the tensions, for there is cause for concern and action in each of the legs of this interconnected triangle.

The ‘other’ in the bowels of the hegemon: US media portrayals of Guam during the United States–North Korea tension

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduard Fabregat ◽  
Farooq A. Kperogi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
American Military ◽  
Media Portrayals ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Pacific Ocean

This article explores how America’s mainline institutional media portrayed Guam, an unincorporated US territory in the Pacific Ocean that is home to important American military bases, in a time of heightened tensions between the United States and North Korea. Guamanians represent marginal racial ‘others’ who are nonetheless ensconced in a consequential part of the US military architecture. Using a combination of topic modelling and network analysis, our study analysed 2480 articles from 44 different mainstream newspapers in the United States between April 2017 and June 2018 in order to examine the contradictory depiction of an ‘other’ that is simultaneously foreign and domestic. Our results present evidence of a hegemonic portrayal of Guam as an intrinsic part of the US as well as a depiction of the threat to Guam as an attack on the US without acknowledging the marginality of Guam and its inhabitants in US politics.

scholarly journals Epistemic Consultants and the Regulation of Policy Knowledge in the Obama Administration

Minerva ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-558
Author(s):  
Jack Wright ◽  
Tiago Mata
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Protection Agency ◽  
The United States ◽  
Critique Of Judgment ◽  
Protection Agency ◽  
White House ◽  
Diffusion Of Information ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
American Society ◽  
And Diffusion

Abstract The agencies of the government of the United States of America, such as the Food and Drug Administration or the Environmental Protection Agency, intervene in American society through the collection, processing, and diffusion of information. The Presidency of Barack Obama was notable for updating and redesigning the US government’s information infrastructure. The White House enhanced mass consultation through open government and big data initiatives to evaluate policy effectiveness, and it launched new ways of communicating with the citizenry. In this essay we argue that these programs spelled out an emergent epistemology based on two assumptions: dispersed knowledge and a critique of judgment. These programs have redefined the evidence required to justify and design regulatory policy and conferred authority to a new kind of expert, which we call epistemic consultants.

scholarly journals The Unending War in Yemen

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 55-79
Author(s):  
Deniz Kaptan
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
State Level ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Technology ◽  
The Us ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Hearts And Minds

Yemen has been a warzone for at least seven years now. The conflict is seemingly a civil war between the government and opposition forces. It also serves as a proxy war that determines the balance of power between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the region. The government in Yemen is aided by the Saudi-led Gulf Cooperation Countries (GCC), where Saudi Arabia (as well as other GCC members) purchases military technologies from the United States, Britain, France, and Germany. On the other hand, the opposition groups – the most prominent one being the Houthis – use Iranian technology in their fight. Considering the sophistication of military technology of the US and other Western countries vis-à-vis Iran, the duration of the war in Yemen stands out as a puzzle which this article attempts to explain using state-level analysis. After reviewing the situation since 2014, this article examines two existing arguments regarding the balance of power between Iran and Saudi-backed warring parties, namely, the hearts and minds argument and the military inadequacy arguments. Demonstrating the limitations of these, this article suggests that the Western powers contribute to the perpetuation of the war as they accrue a stream of revenue from arms production.

Misusing historical analogies limits US policy options

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Options ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Content Type ◽  
White House ◽  
Decision To Leave ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Future

Significance The Vietnam analogy implies that President Joe Biden’s decision to leave Afghanistan will have deeply negative consequences for the United States. However, Afghanistan is not Vietnam and the Biden withdrawal needs to be considered within the wider context of his administration’s review of US commitments abroad. Impacts The White House will be pressured to clarify the future of other US military commitments, particularly in Iraq. Biden will seek to reassure allies, particularly those in NATO, that his commitment to multilateralism will not diminish. Biden may seek an opportunity for a military show of force, possibly in the Middle East, to refute accusations of weakness.

Protocol to the Convention on the Prohibition of Bacteriological (Biological) Weapons – History, Main Provisions, Significance and Reasons for Not Signing

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-21
Keyword(s):  
Ad Hoc ◽  
The United States ◽  
Biological Weapons ◽  
Pharmaceutical Companies ◽  
Special Role ◽  
International Agreement ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Weapons Control

Received 30 January 2021. Accepted for publication 20 March 2021 The Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (BTWC) does not have a legally binding verification regime. An attempt by the Ad Hoc Group of Experts, created by the UN Committee on Disarmament, to strengthen the BTWC by developing a legally binding document – the Protocol, was blocked by the United States in July 2001. The purpose of this work is to study the history, main provisions, significance and reasons for not signing the Protocol to the BTWC. The attention is paid to the events in biological weapons control, which have led a number of countries to the understanding of the necessity to develop the Protocol. The background of the US actions to block this document is the subject of special consideration. During the Second Review Conference on the Implementation of the Convention (8–25 September 1986, Geneva) the USSR, the German Democratic Republic and the Hungarian People's Republic proposed to develop and adopt the Protocol as an addition to the BTWC. This document was supposed to establish general provisions, definitions of terms, lists of agents and toxins, lists of equipment that was present or used at production facilities, threshold quantities of biological agents designed to assess means and methods of protection. The proposed verification mechanism was based on three «pillars»: initial declarations with the basic information about the capabilities of each State Party; inspections to assess the reliability of the declarations; investigations to verify and confirm or not confirm the alleged non-compliance with the Convention. The verification regime was to be under the control of an international organization – the Organization for the Prohibition of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons. However, the US military and pharmaceutical companies opposed the idea of international inspections. The then US Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, John Robert Bolton II, played a special role in blocking the Protocol. During the Fifth Review Conference in December 2001, he demanded the termination of the Ad Hoc Group of Experts mandate for negotiations under the pretext that any international agreement would constrain US actions. The current situation with biological weapons control should not be left to chance. Measures to strengthen the BTWC should be developed, taking into account the new fundamental changes in dual-use biotechnology. It should be borne in mind, that the Protocol, developed in the 1990s, is outdated nowadays.

scholarly journals The Future of Turkey - United States Relations

Jurnal ICMES ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Firmanda Taufiq
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Role Of The Government

Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.

scholarly journals Limits and Possibilities of the United States Military in Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Stabilization

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alcir Santos Neto
Keyword(s):  
Nation Building ◽  
The United States ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
Inspector General ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Military Engagement

This study probes the limits and possibilities of US military efforts to facilitate the transition from warfighting to nation-building. Most comparative studies conceive the complexity of this transition along a spectrum from conflict to humanitarian assistance to post-conflict stabilization. While the last two stages have often been interpreted as a coordinated act of civil-military ‘nation-building’; the spectrum, in fact, represents an ideal type simplification. At one level, outcomes depend on the players involved, including: sovereign nations, national militaries, international and regional institutions, UN peacekeepers, private security contractors, and non-governmental humanitarian providers, among others. On the other hand, because the number, types, and causes of case outcomes are highly diverse and contingent upon many possible factors (among them for example: political, economic, military, organizational, humanitarian, cultural, and religious), institutions like the US military face serious difficulties both planning and coordinating post-conflict scenarios. Assuming this complex backdrop, the present study offers a qualitative analysis of two recent US government reports by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) and the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction (SIGIR) on US military engagement in Afghanistan and Iraq. In both cases, the US government sought to ‘nation-build’ by facilitating post-war stabilization and humanitarian assistance, detailing its genuine efforts to record both processes. While results indicate some limited successes in both cases, they also indicate a familiar pattern of uneven performance failures consistent with other cases internationally. The analysis concludes with recommendations for further research that may better control the contingencies of post-conflict management.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document