СЕРІАЛ ТА ПОЛІТИЧНЕ ШОУ ЯК НОВІ ФОРМИ ПОЛІТИЧНОЇ МЕДІАКОМУНІКАЦІЇ

Author(s):  
K. Temchur

<div><p><em>During the 2019 election campaign in Ukraine, one of the candidates successfully used the serial and political show.</em></p></div><p> </p><p><em>The purpose of the article is to describe the use of the serial and political show in the election campaign, to find out the reasons for the successful use of these new forms of political media communication. </em><em></em></p><p><em>The study applied the method of social and psychological justification of electoral behavior under the influence of non-traditional forms of political media communication. The theoretical basis of the study is the theories of cognitive dissonance and cognitive congruence, social perception and causal attribution, as well as the socio-communication model of the «spiral of silence». </em><em></em></p><p><em>It is established that the success of the serial and political show in the election campaign is due to a number of factors: the presence of social expectations in society, a paradigm shift, social cognitive dissonance. It is found out that with the help of the TV serial the image of V. Zelensky as a successful and democratic president was formed in the voters’ minds, as well as the idea of a majority opinion was artificially created. With the help of a political show in which V. Zelensky acted as president and other political figures, the audience was convinced that his election victory was irreversible. He has become a well-known person among the population thanks to the popular serials and films that are broadcast on the television channel, which is the leader among the population in ratings and trust. This data confirms the long-term impact of television and impact of media linked to political parties on the election results. The results of the article can be used in planning political campaigns and in further studies of the influence of the media on voter behavior.</em></p><p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> applied communication technologies, elections, media, television, political technologies, media psychology.</em></p>

Author(s):  
Marina R. Zheltukhina ◽  
Tatyana Yu. Tameryan ◽  
Gennady G. Slyshkin ◽  
Larisa L. Zelenskaya ◽  
Olga P. Ryabko ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Bianca Fox ◽  
Valentina Marinescu

Existing research documents extensively explain the reasons for social media use during electoral campaigns. However, there is insufficient evidence showing that social media are indeed being used to complement traditional ways of communication. This chapter uses the diffusion of innovations theory to explain the adoption and non-adoption of Facebook (FB) by Romanian political parties during the 2019 European election campaign. The chapter addresses two research questions: the differences between Facebook adopters and non-adopters during this campaign in Romania and how this adoption or non-adoption impacted the overall election results. 885 Facebook posts were content analysed. This chapter evidences that adopting Facebook to engage the posts does not always result in improved electoral outcomes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (21) ◽  
pp. 6111
Author(s):  
Alexandre García-Mas ◽  
Antonio Núñez Prats ◽  
Aurelio Olmedilla ◽  
Roberto Ruiz-Barquín ◽  
Enrique Cantón

Much of the research on the psychological dynamics of performance teams suffers from the following limitations: consideration of only one theoretical framework and analysis of just one perspective (e.g., manager–coach or team member). To address these shortcomings, this study used a Global Cooperation concept that synthesized five psychological frameworks: coordination, cohesion, cooperation, integration, and identification. The objective of this study was to examine the level of congruence–symmetry between the two perspectives and the tendency for managers–coaches and team members to reduce cognitive dissonance in the perception of global cooperation. To this end, 108 managers–coaches and members of performance teams were studied (range: 23−60 years old) using a Cooperative Workteam Questionnaire (CWQ). Results revealed that the greatest amount of asymmetry was observed in Global Cooperation and Emotional Cooperation, while less asymmetry was found in Personal Growth, and good congruence–fit in Conditioned Cooperation. Results are discussed in terms of their theoretical meaning and practical implications for interventions on performance teams.


2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-235

CHALLENGING RESTRICTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO PROTECTION OF THE LAW IN ZIMBABWE.In June 2000, a general election was held in Zimbabwe. Of the 120 common roll constituencies, 62 were won by the ruling party, ZANU(PF) and 57 by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The MDC alleged that the general election campaign was marred by widespread violence, intimidation and illegal practices. As a result proceedings were instituted in the High Court challenging the outcome of the electoral process in 37 constituencies. The hearings were due to commence in January 2001. On 8 December the President issued the Electoral Act (Modification) (No. 3) Notice, 2000 (SI 318/2000), which purported to justify the validation of the election results by reference to a series of assertions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael K. Hinkle ◽  
Michael J. Nelson

Abstract Dissenting opinions are common in the US Supreme Court even though they take time and effort, risk infuriating colleagues, and have no precedential value. In spite of these drawbacks, dissents can potentially contribute to future legal development. We theorize that dissenting justices who use more memorable language are more successful in achieving such long-term impact. To test this theory, we amass an original dataset of citations to dissenting opinions extracted directly from majority opinion text. We further leverage these texts to build an algorithm that quantifies the distinctiveness of dissenting language within a dynamic context. Our results indicate that dissents using more negative emotion and more distinctive words are cited more in future majority opinions. These results contribute to our understanding of how language can influence long-term policy development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (3 (247)) ◽  
pp. 51-69
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Walecka-Rynduch

“Q&A” of Andrzej Duda as an example of performative communication In this paper the author provides an analysis of an interesting phenomenon of media communication implemented under the Q&A formula. This form of contact with the electorate, popular in a special way among politicians of Eastern European democracies, has also become the domain of Polish President Andrzej Duda during the last election campaign in 2020. The qualitative analysis was carried out on programmes aired on the official profile of Polish President on Facebook from March 23rd to July 3rd 2020. It is a total of 15 films, each (with one exception) lasting about 90 minutes. The author characterises this channel of persuasive messages and points out their role in contemporary media discourse. Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza ciekawego zjawiska komunikowania medialnego realizowanego w ramach formuły Q&A – „pytania i odpowiedzi”. Ta formuła kontaktu z elektoratem, popularna wśród polityków, w szczególny sposób wśród polityków demokracji wschodnioeuropejskich, stała się również domeną polskiego prezydenta Andrzeja Dudy podczas ostatniej rywalizacji wyborczej w 2020 roku. Analizie jakościowej poddane zostały programy emitowane na oficjalnym profilu PAD na portalu społecznościowym Facebook od 23 marca do 3 lipca 2020 roku. Łącznie jest to 15 filmów, z których każdy (z jednym wyjątkiem) trwa około 90 minut. Autorka będzie starała się scharakteryzować ten kanał perswazyjnych komunikatów, jak również wskazać na ich rolę we współczesnym dyskursie medialnym.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-19
Author(s):  
L. V. Milyaeva

The main aim of the article is to describe, analyze and compare main prosodic categories that are realized in a unique context, namely in political media discourse. The article looks into the principles of classification of the prosodic categories as well as at realizational differences of three main prosodic categories: syllable, foot and intonation phrase. These categories are distinguished unanimously by the majority of the researchers and are described in the article form their structural and cognitive perspectives. The realizational differences of these categories derive from pragmatic and linguacultural features of English media communication. In the article media communication is represented with political media discourse which is understood as a new contextual model of media communication and is characterized by high degree of immediacy and interactivity. Certain attention in the article is given to the results of the comparative research of the realizational differences of the prosodic categories done by the author. On the basis of the data resulted from the prosodic and content analysis the author concludes that the realizational differences of the prosodic categories are often due to pragmatics of the discourse and the type of discourse itself.


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