scholarly journals The visual politics of success and solidarity a case study of Chris Niedenthal's photography from The People's Republic of Poland 1978-1982

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Laszcuk

This thesis focuses on photographs from the Black Star Collection by photojournalist Chris Niedenthal, who did freelance assignments in Poland for Newsweek, Time Magazine, and Der Spiegel during the 1970s and 1980s. By looking closely at Niedenthal’s work, this thesis explores how these photographs respond to and engage with the rising tension in the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) between the years 1978 -1982. The purpose of this investigation is to study the techniques Niedenthal devised to photograph Poland during a volatile time. Through a comparative analysis of selected images from the Black Star Collection, this thesis considers two phases of Niedenthal’s work in Poland, and examines both the way Chris Niedenthal’s photography attempts to negotiate the restrictions imposed by a totalitarian political system that sought to control its self-image, and how his approach to photography adapted to the rise of the Solidarity Trade Union and imposition of Martial Law in Poland.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Laszcuk

This thesis focuses on photographs from the Black Star Collection by photojournalist Chris Niedenthal, who did freelance assignments in Poland for Newsweek, Time Magazine, and Der Spiegel during the 1970s and 1980s. By looking closely at Niedenthal’s work, this thesis explores how these photographs respond to and engage with the rising tension in the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) between the years 1978 -1982. The purpose of this investigation is to study the techniques Niedenthal devised to photograph Poland during a volatile time. Through a comparative analysis of selected images from the Black Star Collection, this thesis considers two phases of Niedenthal’s work in Poland, and examines both the way Chris Niedenthal’s photography attempts to negotiate the restrictions imposed by a totalitarian political system that sought to control its self-image, and how his approach to photography adapted to the rise of the Solidarity Trade Union and imposition of Martial Law in Poland.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Grudzińska-Gross

Polishness in PracticeThere were two phases in the post-1989 Polish historical politics as projected abroad. The initially “normal” Poland gradually transformed itself around year 2004 into a Poland of suffering and redemption. An important role in that transformation was played by the reaction to the external vision of Poland’s role and fate during the Second World War, causing the “Holocaustization” of the Polish historical self-image. The article discusses the main elements of that self-image and the way it is used. Praktyki polskościSkierowana na zagranicę polityka historyczna państwa polskiego dzieli się, po roku 1989, na dwie fazy. Początkowo Polska przedstawiała siebie jako kraj „normalny”; około roku 2004 stopniowo przemieniała się w Polskę cierpienia i martyrologii. Ważną rolę w tej transformacji odegrał zewnętrzny obraz roli i losu Polski w czasie drugiej wojny światowej, powodując „holokaustyzację” polskiej tożsamości historycznej. W artykule analizowane są części składowe tej tożsamości i użytek z nich robiony w państwowej polityce historycznej.


TEME ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 719
Author(s):  
Snežana Đorđević

This article analyses the way of managing urban policy in Scandinavian countries, as an example for Serbia. By analyzing urban policy as complex activity, because it demands contextual approach, democratic governmental capacities, good management with capacities to tail services according to the needs of citizens in their community, we could understand cities as stimulators of development and creators of welfare. This analysis tries to identify how Serbia, as transitional country can learn lessons from Scandinavian countries, to modernize management, democratize political system (decentralization and strengthening local government capacities), as well as to decrease corruption and misuses in public affairs.In methodological sense this article includes analysis of the system, the way of creation and steering urban policy in Scandinavian countries with affirmation of knowledge (evidence based public policy) and professionalism. Case study of Copenhagen city and experiences from other cities from this region, will procure in view of potential benefits of such an approach. On this basis comparison is made with similar processes in Serbia, which give us possibility to identify necessary corrections in our system.Some of the results of this paper are better knowledge of Serbian system weaknesses (especially in way of managing cities), loss of benefits which democratic and decentralized society enables, modern management, creation of policies on evidence, and creative searching for solution.One can conclude that reform changes, which turn out to be impossible for implementation in our society, do not demand great material investments, but demand the changing of values, priorities and model of behavior.


2002 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Courtney Dillard

AbstractBetween 1989 and 1998, The Fund for Animals organized protests and acts of civil disobedience against the largest pigeon shoot in this country. During this long campaign, The Fund used a variety of approaches to argue for its position. This article focuses on two distinct enactments of civil disobedience at the Hegins shoot. Through an historical comparative analysis, the article describes the acts of civil disobedience and the context within which they took place for both 1992 and 1996. The article focuses on audience reaction, including media representatives, in order to discern why onlookers may have found one instance of civil disobedience more compelling than another. The findings suggest that the effectiveness of civil disobedience may be determined in part by the way it is enacted. Specifically, civil disobedience is more persuasive when enacted in clearly nonviolent/non-threatening ways and when participants demonstrate not only a willingness to suffer for their beliefs but also an interest in communicating that suffering to onlookers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Alexander Chertenko

Basing on Aleksandr Medvedkin’s New Moscow and Ivan Pyryev’s The Swineherd and the Shepherd, this case study analyses the way the “new” Moscow was represented as a space of realised utopia in the Soviet socialist realist films of the 1930s and at the beginning of the 1940s. Functioning as a supranational centre of the Soviet “affirmative action empire” (Terry Martin), the cinematographic Moscow casts off all constraints of ‘Russianness’ in order to become a pan-Soviet model which, both in its architecture and semantics, could epitomize the perfect city and the perfect state. The comparative analysis of both films demonstrates that, although both directors show Moscow through the lens of the so-called “spaces of celebration” (Mikhail Ryklin), ‘their’ Soviet capital does not compensate for the “traumas of the early phases of enforced urbanization”, as Ryklin supposed. Rather, it operates as a transformation machine whose impact pertains only to periphery and can be effective once the representatives of this periphery have left Moscow. The complex inclusion and exclusion mechanisms resulting from this logic turn the idealised Soviet capital into a space which only the guests from peripheral regions can perceive as utopian. The ensuing suppression ofthe inner perspectives on ‘utopian’ Moscow is interpreted here as a manifestation of the “cinematicunconscious”, which accounts for the anxieties of the inhabitants of the capital concerning both Stalinist terror and their own hegemony in a society haunted by the purges.


1973 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Kaufman Purcell

In recent years, as political scientists have witnessed the establishment of non-democratic governments in an ever-increasing number of countries, there has been renewed interest in the concept of an authoritarian regime. Despite its frequent use, however, the concept of an authoritarian regime rarely has been defined so that it could be applied in a comparative analysis. Furthermore, the theoretical utility of classifying a regime as “authoritarian” remains unclear. If the classification is to have some explanatory value, the way in which such a regime's defining characteristics produce distinctive political processes and behavior must be demonstrated.


2019 ◽  
pp. 24-42
Author(s):  
David Myles ◽  
Kelly Lewis

In this paper, we investigate the role that mourning and commemoration practices play in contemporary trans rights activism. Drawing from visual politics, digital activist culture, as well as media and communication, we analyse how trans rights movements construct injustice symbols that are used for sociopolitical mobilisation and expression. We contend that these symbols are constructed through shared communicative practices, which produce and circulate visuals that possess important memetic qualities (pictures, slogans, hashtags, graffiti, posters, etc.). To do so, we analyse three case studies where the unjust death of a trans person was collectively mobilised for political purposes: Jennifer Laude (Philippines, 1988-2014), Hande Kader (Turkey, 1993-2016), and Marsha P. Johnson (United States of America, 1945-1992). While each case study points to local or national specificities, our comparative analysis also underlines transnational trends in the production of posthumous visuals within contemporary trans rights activism. We conclude by addressing the contentions over the construction of trans symbols who inherently possess intersectional identities.


Author(s):  
Greg Anderson

Part One (“Losing Athens in Translation”) begins by introducing the case study, surveying “democratic Athens,” the consensus modern account of the “way of life” (politeia) which the Athenians called demokratia. This account is a conventional historicist construct, one that forces non-modern experiences to comply with a standard modern template of social being. It thus objectifies the polis as a disenchanted, functionally differentiated terrain inhabited by natural, pre-social individuals. Here, experience is neatly compartmentalized into discrete “orders,” “realms” or “fields,” such as the material and the ideational, the natural and the cultural, sacred and secular, public and private, the political, the social, the economic, and the religious. Athenian demokratia is duly historicized as “democracy,” as a specialist political system which bore a family resemblance to the liberal, egalitarian governments of our own time. And order in Athens is then assumed to radiate out from this male-dominated political system over all other societal fields and realms. As the following chapters will show, there are significant problems with this “democratic Athens” account.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-369
Author(s):  
Mirela Rotaru

The presentation I am submitting to your attention focuses on how the University of Bucharest operated during the 1980’s, a very difficult period for Romania.  As to be expected,  the University of Bucharest, like the entire Romanian education system, took the full blow of communist experimental policies, reflecting quite accurately the general developments of the political system in Romania in the 1980s. The structure of Bucharest University, the curriculum, acceptance of the students via admission exams as well as the process of assignment of graduates from University of Bucharest to production units in the 1980’s, are aspects of university life which were all affected by profound changes during the period subject to the research, leading to a   genuine phenomenon in the Romanian society. The way these changes were reflected in the cultural mindset and the traumas generated by them are all points of interest addressed in my presentation.


2018 ◽  
pp. 37-46
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Janczyło

This paper presents a qualitative analysis of a public person’s speech with its language and translation, and the way they can be manipulated to create a public image. As a public person, Lech Wałęsa has been subject to public scrutiny politically and ideologically ever since he became involved in public affairs as a trade union member and activist. Later, as a presidential candidate in the first democratic presidential election in post-communist Poland which he won in 1990, his publicity soared. Consequently, with his popularity came a heavier price of fame; he was subjected to strong criticism, and the way he spoke became a source of jokes and mocking nationwide. Public image is what others receive and read us by. It is an amalgamation of several factors – language being one of the major ones in creating one’s identity.


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