scholarly journals Children as an Object of the Right-Wing Populist Politics and Discourse in Poland

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-91
Author(s):  
Mikołaj Rakusa-Suszczewsk ◽  

In Central and Eastern Europe populist regimes are attracting attention as a result of the traumatic legacy of communism, the subsequent overburdening reforms and exhausting systemic transformation, resurgence of ever-lurking nationalism, regional conservatism, parochialism and cultural chauvinism, and/or as an example of the structural shortcomings of young democracies at the borders of civilization. The subject literature also indicates numerous and universal elements of populist governments, present as well in this part of Europe. Without prejudging the aptness and strength of these various concepts and arguments, this article is an attempt to include in these wideranging themes a particular issue that absorbs conservative populists, namely “childhood” and “children”. While the problem of children in politics has already received numerous interpretations, the importance of childhood in the right-wing populist discourse and politics has so far remained an issue discussed only occasionally. We put forward the thesis that children play an important and specifi c role in the right-wing populist superstructure – they constitute an illusory picture of the nation, an allegory of its renewal, as well as a convenient, though inconsistently used, instrument for achieving political, ideological and propaganda goals. Attitudes towards children can be an important characteristic of populism as such, and should be taken into account in research on the subject. We will illustrate these problems using the example of Poland and the populist Law and Justice (PiS) Party that is in power there now.

Intersections ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ákos Kopper ◽  
Pál Susánszky ◽  
Gergely Tóth ◽  
Márton Gerő

In recent years, many theoretical and empirical analyses about the changing regimes of Central and Eastern Europe have been written, pointing out the authoritarian tendencies and radicalization in the region. Hungary is a significant case in the changing landscape of Central and Eastern Europe. The right-wing government rules the country with incontestable force, despising and disrespecting the norms of liberal democracies. Although the general impression is that the government has such a strong grip on power that resisting it is futile, in fact, it only enjoys only the support of 30 per cent of Hungarian citizens. Thus, it would be reasonable to expect the opposition to be able to effectively mobilize against the regime. In reality, no political opponent seems to stand a chance of defeating it. In order to explain why this is so, we focus on the way Orbán constantly creates images of ‘the enemy’ that keep alive an atmosphere of vigilance that blocks the efforts of critical actors to efficiently mobilize citizens. Since the political system in Hungary is highly centralized, the prime-minister’s speeches epitomize the logic and ideology of the regime. Our aim is to understand the mechanism through which the dominant political actors frame the enemy in a system of images, thereby creating an environment where critical actors are stripped of the resources needed to mobilize against them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (s1) ◽  
pp. 23-45
Author(s):  
Viktor Glied

AbstractAfter the parliamentary elections in 2014, the weakened legitimacy of the Hungarian government could be re-established through activism in migration issues. Fidesz-KDNP that won elections twice already highlighted migration as the main theme of governance from 2014 to 2018, suppressing every other topic on the political agenda. The position that was established for purposes of the Hungarian domestic situation and politics initially faced intense rejections all over Europe, but then garnered some supporters as well, mostly in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe, and to a smaller extent among the right-wing and populist parties of Western Europe. The anti-refugee and populist approach caused significant success in the communication field to the subscribing parties and governments, and also legitimised Hungarian government’s efforts that could mean it met the majority of the Hungarian society’s expectations. The most essential question is that how can political science reshape its terms and thoughts on populism to understand this phenomenon better, moreover what are the reasons of populism and why is the populist propaganda such successful in Hungary and Eastern Europe.


1863 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 271-273 ◽  

The author details the circumstances connected with the discovery of the fossil remains, with the impressions of feathers, in the Lithographic slates of Solenhofen, of the Oxfordian or Corallian stage of the Oolitic period, and of the acquisition for the British Museum of the specimen which forms the subject of his paper. The exposed parts of the skeleton are,—the lower portion of the furculum; part of the left os innominatum; nineteen caudal vertebræ in a consecutive series; several ribs, or portions of ribs; the two scapulæ, humeri, and antibrachial bones; parts of the carpus and metacarpus, with two unguiculate phalanges, probably belonging to the right wing; both femora and tibiæ, and the bones of the right foot.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 989-997
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa

The main sets of ideas that dominated discourses on market-making and democratization in Eastern Europe during the 1990s concerned: first, the superiority of market-led mechanisms of exchange and distribution with individual responsibility and entrepreneurship; and second, the conservative gender order, with women disappearing from the public domain, now being responsible for domestic sphere and the biological reproduction of the nation. Suppressed when these countries were on the path for joining the European Union, the ideas have been now recurring in a new form, representing the basis for the right-wing populist turn in several of the post-communist countries.


Author(s):  
Katarzyna Lidia Babulewicz

Musical Representations of the Past in Animations for Children Produced in Central and Eastern Europe in Times of Communism The subject of the article is the composition strategies of presenting the bygone time in animated films produced in the integrated cultural space that was, during the communist era, Central and Eastern Europe. Productions made in two countries – in the Soviet Union and in Poland – are considered. The discussion of film examples is conducted in an approximate chronological order, according to the time of production of individual pictures. The presentation of specific productions is not intended to exhaustively analyse these audiovisual works, but to review thematic threads related to the past and in their context compositional ideas and tendencies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 7-32
Author(s):  
Jarosław Tomasiewicz

Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość (Confederacy for Freedom and Independence) is new, far-right force in Poland. Success of the KWiN broke political monopoly of the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) party on the right wing. The paper examines structure, strategy, ideology and social basis of the Confederacy. This new formation amalgamating cultural conservatism and economic liberalism is similar rather to American Trumpism and alt-right than the protest movements of Western-European right wing populism.


Author(s):  
Ruta Kazlauskaite ◽  
Niko Pyrhonen ◽  
Gwenaelle Bauvois

This article adopts a comparative qualitative approach to studying the rhetoric of injured pride in the coverage of Independence Day celebrations by the right-wing countermedia in Poland (wPolityce.pl) and the US (Breitbart News) from 2012 to 2018. In both countries, the number of countermedia articles on Independence Day proliferated in the aftermath of the election of the Law and Justice party (2015) and Donald Trump (2016). Based on the analysis of the narrative strategy for affective polarisation, we argue that the countermedia mobilise support from an electorate of ‘the disenfranchised’ by strategically invoking emotions of shame and pride. By positioning the radical right as a political force that shields ‘patriots’ from the leftist ‘pedagogy of shame’, the outlets instrumentalise the mobilising potential of shame by transforming it into righteous anger and pride. This strategy results in a mediated ‘emotional regime’ that offers guidelines for an acceptable emotional repertoire for the members of the nationally bound in-group.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4(106)) ◽  
pp. 106-113
Author(s):  
Т. М. Колотілова

The relevance of the article is that today, the requirements for persons who intend to carry out notarial activities are unreasonably high compared to the requirements for a candidate for judge or lawyer, and the procedure for obtaining a certificate of the right to engage in notarial activities is complicated. That is, the requirements for future notaries are the most stringent, which is not justified and at the same time limits the rights of citizens to access the profession. Therefore, artificial restrictions on access to notarial activities reduce competition, increase monopolization in this area, increase the cost of services, and in some areas lead to a lack of notaries, resulting in the greatest consumer suffering (in particular, the inability to obtain the service or set a very high price for the service). The scientific work examines the scientific positions of scientists on the understanding of permitting services of public authorities and in particular permitting services by the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine in the field of notaries. It is proved that the content of the procedure for providing licensing services by the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine in the field of notaries is a procedure of consideration and resolution of individual (separate) cases regulated by the norms of administrative procedure in order to form and implement state policy in the field of notaries by issuing, to a natural person (citizen of Ukraine, notary, official of a local self-government body) of a permit document, which has an individual character. The classification of permitting services by the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine in the field of notaries depending on the type and subject of activity has been carried out. The definition and highlights of the main features of permitting services by the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine in the field of notaries are given. It is determined that the features of the permitting service of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine in the field of notary are: 1) the legally defined subject of providing permitting services in the field of notary; 2) the purposefulness of the purpose of providing licensing services in the field of notaries - the establishment in society of the rule of law, trust in law and justice; 3) is public authority, by-law and takes place in a legally defined procedure for granting a permit; 4) aimed at the implementation by the subject of the appeal of legal rights, obligations and interests in the field of notary; 5) provides for the observance and fulfillment of legally defined requirements by the subject of the appeal; 6) the final result - a permit.


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