scholarly journals German economic will

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (118) ◽  
pp. 105-108
Author(s):  
Aqeel Makki Kazim

The economic renaissance of Germany began in the mid-nineteenth century, specifically in the year 1848, with the emergence of industry in the east of the country and the creation of a railroad linking the east of the country with its west, and the state and industrial investors at that time adopting a savings approach at the expense of consumption, and thus the emergence of surplus savings and capital accumulation (the basis of economic growth). This helped the German industry to recover locally to cover the need of the local market without resorting to importing, that is, self-reliance in providing life requirements.     And the Germans continued this approach, especially for capitalists and industrialists, until they reached a degree with which the local market became unable to absorb the huge amount of industrial production surplus, then they headed towards the global market because the local market was in a state of sufficiency and this production exported abroad was strongly echoed in The souls of different peoples of the world that have not yet known the industry, except for the United Kingdom since 1776, the United States since 1840, France 1845, Japan 1868, and the Scandinavian countries in 1910 all of that made German investors get more profits and thus their country was dependent on one of the most important traps. This applies to the taxes obtained from the owners of productive capital (a capitalist system) and will not continue after this case until Germany has reached a real economic risk represented by the diminishing of the initially limited raw materials it has, as we know that Germany lacks natural resources such as oil and gas and others, but despite this, it seemed this The country since more than 80 years since the emergence of the industrial revolution in the United Kingdom and the emergence of the writings of the eminent economist (Adam Smith) in the year 1776 and his famous book (The Wealth of Nations), with an industrial revolution that surpassed itself first, and the cradle of the industrial revolution (United Kingdom) second and tens of years Which introduced it in AD A fierce bankruptcy with its French and English opponents after that, in pursuit of the sources of the raw materials needed to ensure the continued rotation of the industrial wheel  

1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Chernomas ◽  
Ardeshir Sepehri

In a recent article Erik Olin Wright argues that the U.S. underclass is a drain on the socially available surplus and thus a hindrance to capital accumulation. Wright's argument is not supported by available evidence from the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom on the state's distributive activities. This evidence suggests that the social welfare necessary to sustain the underclass is provided by transfers from wage and salary earners rather than from profit.


2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Gutiérrez ◽  
Carlos Larrinaga ◽  
Miriam Núñez

In traditional Anglo-Saxon accounting historiography the birth of sophisticated management accounting practices was dated at the end of the 19th century [Jonhson and Kaplan, 1987]. However, some more recent investigations have questioned this idea and demonstrate the existence of sophisticated management accounting and control techniques before the industrial revolution in differing contexts such as the United Kingdom, the United States and Spain. Fleischman and Parker [1991] have demonstrated that these practices were present in a significant number of British companies. However, evidence for Spain is based on isolated case studies. While case studies are essential to explain how these techniques were used, there has been no research to assess their frequency in Spain before the industrial revolution. By examining files concerning 13 large and medium-sized 18th century Spanish companies, this paper corroborates Fleischman and Parker's [1991] thesis. It reveals that knowledge of sophisticated cost accounting methods was fairly widespread in Spain during the 18th century. Interestingly, however, the knowledge and use of these techniques were not connected to economic success and to the industrial revolution, as was the case in the United Kingdom.


Author(s):  
Breen Creighton ◽  
Catrina Denvir ◽  
Richard Johnstone ◽  
Shae McCrystal ◽  
Alice Orchiston

The purpose of the research upon which this book is based was empirically to investigate whether the ballot requirements in the Fair Work Act do indeed impose a significant obstacle to the taking of industrial action, and whether those provisions are indeed impelled by a legitimate ‘democratic imperative’. The book starts from the proposition that virtually all national legal systems, and international law, recognise the right to strike as a fundamental human right. It acknowledges, however, that in no case is this recognition without qualification. Amongst the most common qualifications is a requirement that to be lawful strike action must first be approved by a ballot of workers concerned. Often, these requirements are said to be necessary to protect the democratic rights of the workers concerned: this is the so-called ‘democratic imperative’. In order to evaluate the true purpose and effect of ballot requirements the book draws upon the detailed empirical study of the operation of the Australian legislative provisions noted above; a comparative analysis of law and practice in a broad range of countries, with special reference to Canada, South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States; and the jurisprudence of the supervisory bodies of the International Labour Organisation. It finds that in many instances ballot requirements – especially those relating to quorum – are more concerned with curtailing strike activity than with constructively responding to the democratic imperative. Frequently, they also proceed from a distorted perception of what ‘democracy’ could and should entail in an industrial context. Paradoxically, the study also finds that in some contexts ballot requirements can provide additional bargaining leverage for unions. Overall, however, the study confirms our hypothesis that the principal purpose of ballot requirements – especially in Australia and the United Kingdom – is to curtail strike activity rather than to vindicate the democratic imperative, other than on the basis of a highly attenuated reading of that term. We believe that the end-result constitutes an important study of the practical operation of a complex set of legal rules, and one which exposes the dichotomy between the ostensible and real objectives underpinning the adoption of those rules. It also furnishes a worked example of multi-methods empirical, comparative and doctrinal legal research in law, which we hope will inspire similar approaches to other areas of labour law.


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