Fractional organization of Ukrainian ambassadors of the Galician Sejm

Author(s):  
Ivan Krykhovetskyi

Purpose. The aim of the study is to identify the legal basis for the organization and establishment of the status of the Ukrainian Seimas factions of the second half of the nineteenth - early twentieth century. Methods. The methodological basis of the study was a set of general scientific, special scientific and historical methods, as well as the principles of historicism and objectivity. Results. It was established that the faction is defined as a natural institution of association of Sejm ambassadors, which allowed to carry out effective legislative activity, as the minimum number of deputies who could submit a bill or block the one under consideration was 15. Emphasis is placed on the leadership of the Ukrainian faction. in particular their social affiliation and political beliefs of leaders. The legal bases of the faction's activity are considered separately. Emphasis is placed on how the activities of the Sejm influenced the state and legal thought of Galicia in the late nineteenth - early twentieth century. The peculiarities of the Polish-Ukrainian political confrontation within the walls of the Sejm, including in the process of factional organization, are studied. It was established that social affiliation had a significant influence on the political opinion of Galician Ukrainians, including the process of their factional organization. Thus, until the 1870s, the Ukrainian Sejm ambassadors were dominated by representatives of the clergy, and only at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. political leadership passes to the secular intelligentsia - lawyers, lawyers. Scientific novelty. It has been established that for more than 50 years of the Seimas' activity, no normative acts regulating the process of formation of the Seimas factions have been issued either by the central government or by the Seimas itself. The creation of Sejm factions was the competence of the deputies themselves or political groups, which were represented in the highest representative body of the region. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal research, preparation of special courses.

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 57-71
Author(s):  
Varvara B. Khlebnikova

In the early twentieth century, cooperation between Russia and Montenegro was not easy. On the one hand, the Russian Empire made great efforts to help Montenegrins in the process of state-building and in achieving the foreign policy objectives by the principality, which had recently been recognized by the international community. On the other hand, relations between officials at various levels were rather tense. Russia and Montenegro permanently had different views a number of controversial issues. The Russian government firmly adhered to the status quo policy in the Balkans. Montenegrin Prince and his entourage hoped to increase their territories, and after 1878 were ready to break the balance in the region. All attempts of the Russian diplomats to control and restrain the activity of the junior partners ended with the increase in tension and mutual discontent. Russian leaders considered the behavior of the Montenegrin elite as ingratitude. However, the problem of constant tension in bilateral contacts was much more complicated. Such factors as the national-psychological characteristics of the Montenegrin people, their specific militant mentality and readiness to fight back anyone who encroached on national independence, played a serious role in the deterioration of the situation. In addition, the surviving remnants of the tribal way of life, extremely low level of education in the Principality, acute shortage of qualified personnel in the public service of Montenegro contributed to increasing frictions between the Russian and Montenegrin diplomats. Scholars involved into a comprehensive study of this small Slavic country understood the particular national character of Montenegrins better. Pavel A. Rovinsky was an excellent expert on Montenegrin mentality. His answers on many seemingly intractable questions one can find in his writings. Based on his research, we can today take a fresh look at the difficulties of the professional dialogue between the Russian and the Montenegrin leaders.


2021 ◽  
pp. 025764302110017
Author(s):  
Shaik Mahaboob Basha

The question of widow remarriage, which occupied an important place in the social reform movement, was hotly debated in colonial Andhra. Women joined the debate in the early twentieth century. There was a conservative section of women, which bitterly opposed the widow remarriage movement and attacked the social reformers, both women and men. Pulugruta Lakshmi Narasamamba led this group of women. Lakshmi Narasamamba treated widow remarriage (punarvivaham) with contempt and termed it as an affront to the fidelity (pativratyam) of Hindu women. According to her, widow remarriage was equal to ‘prostitution’, and the widows who married again could not be granted the status of kulanganas (respectable or chaste women). Lakshmi Narasamamba’s stand on the question of widow remarriage led to the emergence of a fiery and protracted controversy among women which eventually led to the division of the most famous women’s organization, the Shri Vidyarthini Samajamu. She opposed not only widow remarriage but also post-puberty marriage and campaigned in favour of child marriage. This article describes the whole debate on the widow remarriage question that took place among women. It is based on the primary sources, especially the woefully neglected women’s journals in the Telugu language.


Author(s):  
George Oommen

The chapter discusses post-conversion experiences and struggles of Dalits who had opted for Christianity, taking the case of Pulayas in Kerala, who had become members of the Anglican Church during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The change of religion led to new self-assessment and identity-seeking. Pulayas had major conflicts with Syrian Christians, including Christian landlords. Many Pulayas had then still the status of bonded labourers or even slaves (adiyan). After covering the early twentieth-century agitations to overcome their social degradation and exclusion from public spaces, the author focuses on the later involvement of Christian Pulayas with the Communist mobilization. Communist activists accepted water and food from the Pulayas. Finally, the chapter discusses the push of Pulaya Christians for a distinctive depressed-class administration within the Anglican Church, ending with the break-away of a large section of Dalit Christians from the Anglican Church and the start of a new church, the CMS Church, in 1968.


2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 404-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Waltraud Ernst

This article presents a case study of institutional trends in a psychiatric institution in British India during the early twentieth century. It focuses on mortality statistics and long-term confinement rates as well as causes of death. The intention is two-fold: first, to provide new material that potentially lends itself to comparison with the few existing institutional case studies that have explored this particular period; second, to highlight some of the problems inherent in the status of the statistics and the conceptual categories used, and to consider the challenges these pose for any intended comparative and transnational assessment. Furthermore, it is suggested that historians working on the history of western institutions ought to look beyond the confining rim of Eurocentric self-containment and relate their research to other institutions around the world. It is important for social historians to abstain from uncritically reproducing hegemonic histories of the modern world in which western cultures and nations are posited by default as the centre or metropolis and the rest as peripheries whose social and scientific developments may be seen to be of exotic interest, but merely derivative and peripheral.


Author(s):  
Paul Schor

This chapter discusses changes in racial categorization in the early twentieth century with respect to the US census. Whenever there was a question of the racial classification of new populations, whether in the continental United States or in the territories acquired since 1867, the census always relied on the principles and techniques developed since 1850 to distinguish blacks from whites. Chief among these was the principle of hypodescent, in more or less rigid forms. However, the early twentieth century saw change occurring in two directions: on the one hand, the racialization of a growing number of non-European immigrants and their descendants; on the other, the weakening of the distinctions between the descendants of European immigrants. The remainder of the chapter details the disappearance of the “mulatto” category and the introduction and forcible elimination of the “Mexican” category.


Antiquity ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 86 (334) ◽  
pp. 1179-1191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Bradfield

Bone points of two types, the one thin and poisoned and the other robust and not poisoned, are examined in this study of impact fractures. The bone points seem to have had similar experiences to stone points, producing fractures of a similar kind. Most of the fractures in the historical collection examined were caused by impacts. However, this early twentieth-century collection is not thought to be representative of contemporary fracture frequencies that occurred in hunting.


Author(s):  
Joshua C. Blank

As several scholars contend, there is a paucity of material on the lives of thousands of rural teachers who taught in one-room Ontario schools and helped to build late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century rural communities. This article enriches the discourse on Canadian schooling by closely studying the life of one rural teacher, Elizabeth (Etmanski) Shalla, and several of her descendants by giving a glimpse into the one-room schoolhouse of yesteryear. More specifically, their first-hand experiences, as well as those of community members in western Renfrew County, sheds new light on geographical barriers to education and jurisdictional struggles between trustees and school inspectors and adds to the discourse on gender barriers and financial disparities in the struggle to obtain an, and maintain a life in, education on the rural Ontario frontier.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Tomiche ◽  

Based on a comparative reading of Virginia Woolf’s second novel, Night and Day (1919), where one of the main characters is a suffragist, and of Victor Margueritte’s La Garçonne (1922), whose title explicitly indicates the status of the protagonist as a flapper, this article explores figures of “new women” insofar as they are literary representations of social realities and insofar as such representations draw from a collective imaginary which they also contribute to forge. I


Author(s):  
Adeana McNicholl

ABSTRACT This article traces the life of a single figure, Sufi Abdul Hamid, to bring into conversation the history of the transmission of Buddhism to the United States with the emergence of new Black religio-racial movements in the early twentieth century. It follows Hamid's activities in the 1930s to ask what Hamid's life reveals about the relationship between Buddhism and race in the United States. On the one hand, Hamid's own negotiation of his identity as a Black Orientalist illustrates the contentious process through which individuals negotiate their religio-racial identities in tension with hegemonic religio-racial frameworks. Hamid constructed a Black Orientalist identity that resignified Blackness while criticizing the racial injustice foundational to the American nation-state. His Black Orientalist identity at times resonated with global Orientalist discourses, even while being recalcitrant to the hegemonic religio-racial frameworks of white Orientalism. The subversive positioning of Hamid's Black Orientalist identity simultaneously lent itself to his racialization by others. This is illustrated through Hamid's posthumous implication in a conspiracy theory known as the “Black Buddhism Plan.” This theory drew on imaginations of a Black Pacific community formulated by both Black Americans and by government authorities who created Japanese Buddhists and new Black religio-racial movements as subjects of surveillance. The capacious nature of Hamid's religio-racial identity, on the one hand constructed and performed by Hamid himself, and on the other created in the shadow of the dominant discourses of a white racial state, demonstrates that Buddhism in the United States is always constituted by race.


Author(s):  
Nancy K. Stalker

This chapter integrates culinary nationalism in studying Kitaōji Rosanjin, the most celebrated epicurean of twentieth-century Japan, who has seemingly been raised to the status of culinary saint following the UNESCO award. As a restaurateur, Rosanjin developed a reputation for exacting standards in selecting fresh, local ingredients and for plating his dishes artistically on tableware he often designed himself. His ideals have inspired contemporary chefs and foodies alike and deeply inform idealized conceptions of washoku, such as the one presented by UNESCO. The chapter describes how Rosanjin attempted to elevate esteem for Japanese cuisine among his countrymen during the 1950s, far before Japanese cuisine was considered internationally desirable, by bombastically claiming its superiority over French and other national cuisines.


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