scholarly journals Cybergenic Presidential Candidates of Third Parties in the United States: The Analysis of Selected Political Campaigns with the Key Role of New Media

Author(s):  
Dominika Popielec

This article focuses on selected political campaigns of the Third Parties in the United States. The main purpose of this work is to present how these candidates promote themselves and communicate with voters. Traditional and new media are playing a crucial role in public life during presidential elections. Not only do they inform society but also are a tool of political communication. Voters can get to know a candidate and his/her election program via the media. Journalists are conducting interviews with main candidates, especially the Democrats and Republicans, which are leaders in the polls. But what should the candidates from other parties do? Those who do not appear very often in the mainstream media? How do they gain public support for their ideas? Do we insist on a telegenic president, as William F. Buckley indicated, or a cybergenic president in the contemporary world? Considering the increasing role of the Internet in modern society, these candidates use new new media to promote themselves. Therefore, in this article I will describe the importance of new media, their effectiveness in presidential campaigns and a cybergenic candidate as a standard of modern political communication

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Kenneth S. Coggeshall ◽  
Alexandra Michael ◽  
Shweta Bhatnagar ◽  
Patricia D. Moynihan

The Internet is changing the face of political campaigns in the United States; not since the introduction of television have the tools used to communicate with the electorate changed so notably. This study uses the 2004 campaign websites created by the Democratic primary candidates and President George W. Bush to evaluate both the ways in which websites can help voters participate in democratic decision-making, and the ways in which websites may help candidates gain public support. We find that, given a list of 41 criteria deemed important to an informative, participatory and easy to use website, the average candidate's site earned just over half the possible points. Still, initial correlation analyses suggest that better websites may mean more votes on Election Day.


Author(s):  
Michael X. Delli Carpini ◽  
Bruce A. Williams

The media landscape of countries across the globe is changing in profound ways that are of relevance to the study and practice of political campaigns and elections. This chapter uses the concept of media regimes to put these changes in historical context and describe the major drivers that lead to a regime’s formation, institutionalization, and dissolution. It then turns to a more detailed examination of the causes and qualities of what is arguably a new media regime that has formed in the United States; the extent to which this phenomenon has or is occurring (albeit in different ways) elsewhere; and how the conduct of campaigns and elections are changing as a result. The chapter concludes with thoughts on the implications of the changing media landscape for the study and practice of campaigns and elections specifically, and democratic politics more generally.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 68-79
Author(s):  
Vladimir F. Pecheritsa

The article analyzes the hegemonic policy of the largest and most influential state in the world – the United States, supported under the justified concept of “peculiarity” and exclusivity of America. Using this term, Washington imposes its only “correct” and necessary policy for the development of countries and peoples. Showing numerous examples, the author exposes the deceit and duplicity of such a policy, its rejection by most countries of the world. The article is intended for specialists in foreign affairs and those who study the place and role of the United States in the contemporary world.


2019 ◽  
pp. 438-450
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Seifert

Drawing from the literature in Intercultural and New Media Studies (INMS), this study explores the SlutWalk social movement, a transnational movement of protest marches. The author conducted interviews with seven SlutWalk organizers from various cities in the United States to understand what culture SlutWalk organizers are fostering through their work and the role of new media communication in their organizational efforts. Results of the interpretative analysis suggest that although SlutWalk organizers foster a survivor culture through activities consistent with intercultural dialogue and third culture building, their use of various social media outlets might be motivated by various definitions of localized need. In addition, organizers highlight a tension between prioritizing more global survivor experiences over individual experiences with sexual assault and reveal the possibility for new media communication to enable anti-social cultural interactions. These findings contribute to the continued development of theorizing in INMS related to virtual third culture and continued scholarship exploring the intersections between new media and intercultural communication.


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-207
Author(s):  
Domenico da Empoli

Abstract This article refers to a letter written in 1931 by J. A. Schumpeter to an Italian professor, Celestino Arena, on the subject of the Italian edition of the Theory of Economic Growth.1931 was the last year spent by Schumpeter in Europe. The year after, he moved from Germany to the United States, where the New Deal environment would have profoundly changed his views about the role of the entrepreneur in modern society and, by consequence, about the future of capitalism.


2020 ◽  
pp. 089443932090908
Author(s):  
Ankit Kariryaa ◽  
Simon Rundé ◽  
Hendrik Heuer ◽  
Andreas Jungherr ◽  
Johannes Schöning

Flags are important national symbols that have transcended into the digital world with inclusion in the Unicode character set. Despite their significance, there is little information about their role in online communication. This article examines the role of flag emoji in political communication online by analyzing 640,676 tweets by the most important political parties and Members of Parliament in Germany and the United States. We find that national flags are frequently used in political communication and are mostly used in-line with political ideology. As off-line, flag emoji usage in online communication is associated with external events of national importance. This association is stronger in the United States than in Germany. The results also reveal that the presence of the national flag emoji is associated with significantly higher engagement in Germany irrespective of party, whereas it is associated with slightly higher engagement for politicians of the Republican party and slightly lower engagement for Democrats in the United States. Implications of the results and future research directions are discussed.


Author(s):  
Moeed Yusuf

This chapter reflects on the theoretical and practical implications of the book. It highlights the work’s contribution to the otherwise undertheorized role of third parties in preventing war, its fresh perspectives on the optimism-pessimism debate on nuclear deterrence, and its attention to scholarship on nonnuclear subjects, primarily mediation, unipolarity theory, and sociological literature on “evaluation” by external audiences. The discussion highlights policy recommendations for decision makers in the United States, other third-party states, India, Pakistan, and other potential regional nuclear rivals. It stresses the need for a holistic U.S. policy approach to crises between regional nuclear powers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Corda ◽  
Sarah E Lageson

Abstract The privatization of punishment is a well-established phenomenon in modern criminal justice operations. Less understood are the market and technological forces that have dramatically reshaped the creation and sharing of criminal record data in recent years. Analysing trends in both the United States and Europe, we argue that this massive shift is cause to reconceptualize theories of penal entrepreneurialism to more directly address the role of technology and commercial interests. Criminal records, or proxies for them, are now actively produced and managed by third parties via corporate decision-making processes, rather than government dictating boundaries or outsourcing duties to private actors. This has led to what we term ‘disordered punishment’, imposed unevenly and inconsistently across multiple platforms, increasingly difficult for both government and individuals to control.


Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Seifert

Drawing from the literature in Intercultural and New Media Studies (INMS), this study explores the SlutWalk social movement, a transnational movement of protest marches. The author conducted interviews with seven SlutWalk organizers from various cities in the United States to understand what culture SlutWalk organizers are fostering through their work and the role of new media communication in their organizational efforts. Results of the interpretative analysis suggest that although SlutWalk organizers foster a survivor culture through activities consistent with intercultural dialogue and third culture building, their use of various social media outlets might be motivated by various definitions of localized need. In addition, organizers highlight a tension between prioritizing more global survivor experiences over individual experiences with sexual assault and reveal the possibility for new media communication to enable anti-social cultural interactions. These findings contribute to the continued development of theorizing in INMS related to virtual third culture and continued scholarship exploring the intersections between new media and intercultural communication.


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