scholarly journals Development Aid as a tool of EU's Migration Policy

Author(s):  
Jolanta Szymańska ◽  
Patryk Kugiel

Since the refugee crisis of 2015, European institutions and governments strengthened policies to better manage migration flows and protect EU’s external borders. In the external dimension, the Union implemented a wide variety of economic, political and deterrence measurers to regain control over migratory flows. Though development cooperation was declared one of important tools for addressing root causes of migration, the externalization of migration management to neighboring transit countries became the main pillar of anti-crisis strategy. Although this policy enabled to essentially reduce the number of irregular arrivals to Europe, it cannot be considered as a long-term solution, as recent developments on Greece-Turkey border reminded. To be better prepared for migration challenges of the future the EU should rethink its development cooperation with the origin and transit countries and include both forced and economic migrants in its comprehensive response. Aid can be a useful tool for the EU if it is used to manage rather than to stop migration.

Subject Populists' exploitation of the refugee crisis in Central Europe. Significance Support for populist parties has risen after last year's refugee crisis across the EU, but nowhere have they been as successful as in Central Europe (CE). Peddling migrant fears has secured the re-election of Robert Fico's Smer (Slovakia) and the revival of Viktor Orban's Fidesz (Hungary) from a post-election popularity slump. On the back of the migration tide, populists are transforming CE's political trajectory. Impacts A united CE front will gain prominence at the EU, stoking tensions with Berlin on migration policy and the future of EU integration. The strengthened legitimacy of illiberal positions on migration will foster the emergence of imitators elsewhere in Europe. The chance of an EU-level, long-term solution to the refugee crisis will remain slim in the medium term.


Author(s):  
Diego Caballero Vélez ◽  
Ekaterina Krapivnitskaya

This research addresses the foreign policy strategies of the EU after the 2015 refugee crisis. It investigates to what extent the EU migration policy is part of the European foreign policy. The paper outlines that collective action failure is not provided at the domestic dimension of migration policy and, that in order to overcome it, it is transferred to the external dimension of the EU. It argues that migration, previously considered being part of the state’s domestic affairs, transformed from the issue of domestic policy to the foreign one. Thus, the authors study the interconnection between migration and security as a key element for understanding this “foreignization” process. The development of close cooperation with third countries in the field of migration regulation has become one of the priorities of the overall migration policy of the European Union. However, the EU has not gained much success and migration crisis even more clearly indicated the need to develop an external dimension to the management of migration processes, but on a more pragmatic approach that would ensure the EU’s security interests. The basis for the external dimension of EU migration policy is relations with third countries and linking development assistance with security and border protection issues. The paper analyses EU parliamentary debates before and after the 2015 refugee crisis, by doing so, the interconnection between migration and security is assessed leading to a further understanding about the EU migration “foreignization process”.


Author(s):  
N. Bolshova

The paper reviews the EU response to the recent «refugee crisis» through the theoretical lens of restrictive and preventive approaches and the concept of the «external dimension» in EU migration policy. The author examines the EU’s response as an indicator of the effectiveness of current EU migration policy under crisis situations caused by massive flows of migrants. According to the author, the European institutions have not been able to offer quick and effective «European solution». EU is late with the development, implementation of the policy measures as well as with bringing of them to the European public in an appropriate way, allowing to prevent social protests against asylum seekers. As a result the refugee crisis has caused «the crisis of solidarity» in the EU. There is a gap to state between the European values and real readiness of the EU to adhere to them. Instead the strategy of burden sharing between member-states EU implements the strategy of burden shifting on Turkey. The progress made by the EU in the field of communitarisation of migration policy could prevent neither the escalation of migration crisis, nor its negative consequences regarding the interim collapse of Schengen and Dublin systems. In this situation, the return to the intergovernmental approach in regulation of certain sensitive domains of EU migration policy is possible. The nature of the EU response confirms that the «external dimension» of migration policy has been implemented mostly through a restrictive approach, while a preventive approach has been marginalizing.


2020 ◽  
pp. 182-200
Author(s):  
Bo Stråth

This chapter outlines changing relationships between Scandinavia and Europe. The Scandinavian ‘isolationist’ approach to Europe after the Napoleonic wars shifted to more active integrationist policies in the 1920s, with the arrival of left governments and the acceptance of the League of Nations; a new isolationist trend (‘neutrality’) set in after 1933. Against the backdrop of this long-term pattern, the focus is on shifting Scandinavian attitudes to the project of European integration and on attempts to be both within and outside Europe. Before and after the Danish entry into the EU in 1973, tensions between different approaches and between the countries concerned have been evident. The Cold War was a major factor, and its end reinforced the pro-integration approach. More recently, problems with the euro and the refugee crisis have provoked more ambiguous responses, but less so in Finland than in the Scandinavian countries.


Author(s):  
Caitlin M. Bentley

This chapter explores how the Web 2.0 principle of the Web as a platform was applied in the context of a development aid-funded project aimed to enhance online collaboration capacities of 17 Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in five West African Nations. The main issues confronted in the project related to the linear project design and a misconceptualisation of technology as an input, thus separating the design and implementation processes from the ultimate collaboration aims that are desired outcomes. It is therefore argued that technology-mediated collaboration initiatives within development cooperation contexts can draw from underlying Web 2.0 principles, but that these principles could more usefully be linked to development concepts in order to further enable critical reflection by primary stakeholders, so as to include them in all aspects of technology design. By focusing less on technology provision and more on the capacity of users to assess their own emergent needs has potentially more important long-term collaboration impacts.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 64
Author(s):  
David Ar Rouz

Translation is usually deemed to help bridge gaps but seldom thought of as a means of strengthening or, at least, highlighting borders. The present article uses the example of translations involving the Breton language in order to show that translation may favour negotiation by both helping negotiators to understand each other and having them recognise the social border that makes them different. The article explains firstly the author’s understanding of borders and negotiation. Secondly, the case of translation from and into Breton is examined. And finally, the discussion is extended to the European institutions, where European language policy also illustrates the dual function of translation in negotiation. The example of Breton evidences that translation fosters social distinction, language development and cooperation. At the EU level, the same roles are assumed by translation services and they contribute moreover to the legitimacy of the institutions and to the exercise of democracy. Such a conclusion invites to consider translation as an adequate means to manage language and cultural differences, even compared to language learning. It may be used, then, to deal with pressing issues such as the current migration flows to Europe.


European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-57
Author(s):  
Manfred Weber

The EU has a fundamental interest in having a constructive relationship with Turkey. However, the EU–Turkey relationship has become strained over recent years. This is why EU–Turkey relations need a new start, based on honesty about the long-term goal: EU membership is not an option for Turkey. Instead, the EU and Turkey should focus on concrete fields of cooperation. Humanitarian aid in the refugee crisis is a good example of a field in which a joint solution has been successful, as is the protection of the common external border. More joint action from the EU and Turkey is needed as regards the situation in Syria and Iraq. Turkey must overcome its democratic shortcomings. Further economic cooperation will depend on the application of the rule of law in Turkey.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Haddad

AbstractWhile humanitarian intervention in cases of state instability remains a disputed concept in international law, there is consensus in the international community over the need to provide protection to refugees, one of the corollaries of such instability. Using the European Union (EU) as a case study, this article takes a policy perspective to examine competing conceptions of both 'responsibility' and 'protection' among EU Member States. Responsibility can be seen either as the duty to move refugees around the EU such that each Member State takes its fair share, or the duty to assist those Member States who receive the highest numbers of migrants due to geography by way of practical and financial help. Similarly, protection can imply that which the EU offers within its boundaries, encompassed within the Common European Asylum System, or something broader that looks at where people are coming from and seeks to work with countries of origin and transit to provide protection outside the Union and tackle the causes of forced migration. Whether one or both of these concepts comes to dominate policy discourse over the long-term, the challenge will be to ensure an uncompromised understanding of protection among policy-makers.


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Fisanov

The body of the article goes on to discuss the migration and refugee policy issues that went viral in media, as well as became widely discussed by experts and EU power-holding structures. Few researchers have addressed the problem under study and require an in-depth analysis. This paper outlines the evolution of the EU approaches to regulation and management of migration flows forced and caused by 2015 migrant crisis. The main weakness in the previous studies is that they make no attempt to upgrade tools and mechanisms for optimizing modern migration policy. Of particular importance is keynote actors’ impact on decision-making and shaping public opinion on migration problems – namely, European executives, NGO’s, pressmen as well as migrants and refugees themselves. This paper has given an account of the Dublin Regulation (2013) that the author considers to be outdated. Since the migrant crisis started, it has been clear that this system is inadequate, and that some of the burden must be borne by Europe's wealthy northern states. There is evidence to suggest migration policy tools to be dramatically reformed, though the European Parliament’s planned amendment to Dublin Regulation could face new challenges. The findings of this study support the idea that most of the EU member states managed to pursue a common policy on triggering refugee influx, primarily in Greece and Italy, in addition to a joint stance in terms of fixing a quota on migrants – not including the Visegrad Group. Keywords: 2015 Migrant crisis, common EU policy, Greece, Hungary, Dublin Regulation, refugees, economic migration


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