Recent Shifts in the Volume, Nature, and Scope of State Immigration Policies in the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Marie Pierotte ◽  
Min Xie ◽  
Eric Baumer

We conducted a comprehensive categorization of state-level immigration policies from 2005–2014 and described for this period the nature of growth in state-level legislative activity, the ideological directions of the policies pursued, the breadth of topic areas covered, and the influences of states’ geographical location, political party orientation, and historical experiences with immigration.  Our assessment shows that while all states actively participated in this area of policy expansion, there also is substantial state-level variation in the underlying principles of implementation.  Furthermore, past and current experiences with immigration and political party control of state legislatures, rather than proximity to the U.S. border, shaped the respective policy agendas adopted by states.

2017 ◽  
Vol 105 ◽  
pp. 397-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Pomeranz ◽  
Arjumand Siddiqi ◽  
Gabriella J. Bolanos ◽  
Jeremy A. Shor ◽  
Rita Hamad

PLoS ONE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (10) ◽  
pp. e0240648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Easton R. White ◽  
Laurent Hébert-Dufresne

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 473-487
Author(s):  
Jillian Jaeger

This article tests whether theories of congressional behavior that link legislative responsiveness to the preferences of sub-constituencies at the expense of party preferences apply to the state level. Using ten years of state-level data and roll-call data from nearly 4,000 individual votes on E-Verify legislation, I examine the competing influences of party and constituency preferences on legislative behavior. The results confirm that state legislatures/legislators are responsive to sub-constituencies, but find that responsiveness plays out in different ways depending on the level of analysis and the political party and constituents in question. These results have important implications for our understanding of legislative representation: because responsiveness to sub-constituencies can yield policy results that are antithetical to stated party goals, what appears to be collective irresponsibility from a party may actually be individual legislators striving to be responsive to those constituents that they anticipate will hold them accountable.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alyssa Christine Holmquist

As political polarization increases and mental health worsens, it is becoming crucial to investigate the potential link between these. This project investigated the link between political party and mental health in the United States. Data was analyzed from previous U.S. elections, Mental Health America, and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration to investigate the relationships in four studies. The first analyzed current associations between state mental health rankings and voting margins in the 2020 presidential election. The second analyzed this same connection but over previous years. The third compared the percentage of liberal control in the government with the percentage of American adults receiving mental health care services to uncover if the party in power had an effect on overall mental health. The fourth analyzed voting margins and state mental health rankings at the end of the term to determine if mental health was associated with being governed by the party for which the state voted. Studies 1, 2, and 4 were found to have significant relationships at a 99% confidence level. This indicates that voting liberal is associated with better mental health rankings at the state level, both currently and throughout previous elections. It also signifies that being governed by the party for which the state voted is associated with better mental health at the state level. In future studies, it may be beneficial to conduct individual assessments to determine if this relationship exists only at the state level.


Author(s):  
Zachary Parolin ◽  
Rosa Daiger von Gleichen

AbstractThis chapter investigates the diversity and divergence of three sets of family policy indicators across the 50 United States: money, services, and time. Our findings show that the 50 United States vary considerably in their family policy packages. States have become more dissimilar over time with respect to social assistance transfers and statutory minimum wages, but have become more similar in their subsidization of low-pay employment. Moreover, states vary greatly in their levels of support for early childhood education and healthcare. State-level variation in out-of-pocket medical spending has more than doubled from 1980 to 2015, in large part due to some states deciding to expand Medicaid access from 2009 onward. Despite large diversity and some divergence in states’ family policy packages, post-tax/transfer poverty rates have remained relatively stable over time. This is partially due to an increase in federally funded transfer programs mitigating the social consequences of state-level diversity.


2022 ◽  
pp. 24-51

This chapter explores the history and operation of state legislatures. The urban-rural divide characterizes stark political and social differences that fuel legislative behavior. The content of public policies across the United States is influenced by these divisions and contributes to either the support of or opposition to social change. State legislators are on the front lines of these geographic ideological divides. These variations by region contribute to the increase in single-party control and have generated pronounced policy differences.


Author(s):  
Ramona McNea

In the United States, disclosure has long been a primary tool for fighting the corruptive influence of money in politics. Recent scandals have helped place disclosure back on the agenda of many the 50 states. Because of the move to electronic governance, many new laws regulating disclosure have taken the form of e-disclosure. Agenda setting theory suggests that interest groups, political context, policy entrepreneurs, focusing events, and state resources influence the ability of issues to reach the institutional agenda (Baumgartner & Jones, 1993; Kingdon 1995). This study uses panel corrected cross-sectional time series analysis to explore which of these factors are motivating increased interest in e-disclosure laws at the state level from 2005-2009. The number of electronic filing laws proposed in state legislatures is the dependent variable (National Council of State Legislatures).


2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
STEPHANIE POTOCHNICK ◽  
SARAH F. MAY ◽  
LISA Y. FLORES

Research on state-level immigration policies and health in the United States is limited. In this article Stephanie Potochnick, Sarah May, and Lisa Flores address the gap in research on state-level immigration policies and health in the US by examining the health implications of in-state resident tuition (IRT) policies and their effects. As one of the largest inclusive state efforts, IRT policies reduce educational barriers for Latina/o undocumented immigrant youth, alleviate familial resource constraints, and promote social inclusion. Consequently, IRT and IRT-related policies are likely to have strong impacts on the health of Latina/o undocumented immigrant youth, their families, and their community. Analyzing nationally representative household data and using Mexican noncitizens to proxy undocumented status, the authors adopted a difference-in-difference strategy to identify the influence of IRT-related policies on general self-rated health. Their findings show that IRT policies are associated with better health for Mexican noncitizen youth and young adults and also provide preliminary evidence for positive spillover effects on the health of family members.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Maranto ◽  
Manuel P. Teodoro ◽  
Kristen Carroll ◽  
Albert Cheng

We explore the relationships between gender, career ambition, and the emergence of executive leadership. Growing research in public administration shows that career systems shape bureaucrats’ ambitions, political behavior, and management. Yet career systems are not neutral conduits of talent: Administrators are more likely to pursue advancement when career systems favor them. This study proposes that women and men respond to gendered public career systems. Using national- and state-level data on public school managers in the United States, we find gender disparities in the career paths that lead educators from the classroom to the superintendent’s suite. Specifically, we find that female and elementary school teachers advance more slowly than male and secondary school teachers. We also find gender disparities in certification and experience among principals. Accordingly, female and elementary principals report lower levels of ambition. Such gendered career systems may lead to biases in policy agendas and public management.


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