scholarly journals Turkish President’s Address to The Joint Session of Pakistan’s Parliament: A Corpus Assisted Positive Discourse Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (II) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Athar Rashid

Formal visits to friendly regions have grown in popularity worldwide in recent years. Heads of state addresses are analysed from a unique perspective. Positive discourse analysis of speeches by international leaders has garnered attention, particularly in Pakistan, following Turkey's president's four visits to the country over the last decade. For the fourth time, he was given the opportunity to address the joint session of parliament. Since their independence, Turkey and Pakistan have had a friendly relationship, and even before that, the people of the region fought to defend the Ottoman Empire during World War II. The people of the subcontinent were active participants in the process, pleading with the British government to maintain the Khilafat system. Very little research has been conducted on presidential speeches, particularly those delivered by Turkish leaders. As a result, the focus of this research paper is on President Erdogan's speeches to the Pakistani Parliament, delivered on November 17, 2016, and February 14, 2020. This study employs a corpus-assisted positive discourse analysis approach in which the concordance patterns obtained from the corpora have been explained in the light of positive discourse analysis. The findings of the study indicate that President Erdogan's speeches are brimming with optimistic language. He tries to establish a brotherly bond with his listeners through mutual equality, respect, love, and strategic collaboration. He seems to be convinced that it is necessary to emphasize the Islamic bond that exists between the two brotherly states. The current paper is noteworthy because it applies positive discourse analysis to Turkish leaders' speeches, broadening its application scope and enriching the research content of positive discourse analysis through a corpus-informed approach.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emad Khamis Hamza ◽  
Ali Hussein Ali Saed

The outbreak of World War II in September 1939 had a negative impact not only on the European continent, but also most of the countries of Asia and Africa. Iraq was affected because of its political and economic association with the British government, which was one of the parties involved in that war. The Iraqi and British governments had signed a treaty concerning their political, economic and military relationship on 30 June 1930. It came into force after the end of the mandate and the entry of Iraq League of Nations in 1932, but that the treaty was only a new framework for the continuation of the British occupation. The situation was exacerbated when the military became the helm of the government after the 1936 coup led by Bakr Sidqi, which caused much anxiety within the British government and the strained relations between it and the Iraqi government despite the British recognition of the coup government. These tensions became more evident when World War II broke out. At this point, the British government demanded that Iraq abide by the provisions of the 1930 Treaty by declaring war on Germany. However, the Iraqi government. In addition to the severing of diplomatic relations, the tension between the British and Iraqi governments were intensified by Italy’s entry into the war with Germany. Iraq refused to sever its diplomatic relations with Germany, but allowed the Italian government to open an embassy in Baghdad, which Britain considered an act of hostility. Military operations between the Iraqi and British armies continued throughout May 1941, known to the historical sources as ‘the movement of Mayes’ or ‘the revolt of Rashid Ali Kilani’ or ‘the Iraq war the British second’. The Dulaim brigade and nearby villages were involved in the greatest share of those clashes, which left material and human destruction on the people of the judiciary in particular, and the Dulaim brigade and Iraq in general. This ended with the occupation of Fallujah by British forces on the 19th of May 1941. It is useful to consider the position of Falluja in the context of the military battles that took place between the Iraqi and British armies during this period. The study is divided into four subjects .the first subject was titled as ”the British- Iraqi treaties until 1930”. It deals with most important provisions of the treaty, which became controversial. The second subject was ”Falluja and preliminaries of May’s Movement” clarifies the British government’s request, under the terms of the 1930 treaty, that Iraq declare war on the Axis countries headed by Germany. This request was rejected by the Iraqi government. In particular, this segment considers events after Rashid Ali al-Kilani became prime minister and the anti-British military leaders took control of Iraq, as well as the military and political preparations taken by the Iraqi and British governments throughout April 1941. This study also explores their impact on the situation in the Fallujah district, which forms the third segment, titled “Fallujah and the Second Iraqi- British War”. This section explores the most important battles occuring in the lands of Fallujah district, and the role of the people of the judiciary in supporting The Iraqi army against the British forces, which prompted the latter to take revenge on them after occupying the center of killing and sabotage on the nineteenth of May 1941, Atanih than the recent push to revenge them after the occupation of the district center of death and destruction on the 19th of May 1941, and the steps that were taken after a full occupation of the land district of Fallujah until the entry of British troops to Baghdad on the fifth of June of the same year. Keywords: Fallujah, Documentary, Movement, May, Position


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
Dilorom Bobojonova ◽  

In this article, the author highlights the worthy contribution of the people of Uzbekistan, along with other peoples, to the victory over fascism in World War II in a historical aspect. This approach to this issue will serve as additional material to previously published works in international scientific circles


Author(s):  
Ilko Drenkov

Dr. Radan Sarafov (1908-1968) lived actively but his life is still relatively unknown to the Bulgarian academic and public audience. He was a strong character with an ulti-mate and conscious commitment to democratic Bulgaria. Dr. Sarafov was chosen by IMRO (Inner Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) to represent the idea of coop-eration with Anglo-American politics prior to the Second World War. Dr. Sarafov studied medicine in France, specialized in the Sorbonne, and was recruited by Colonel Ross for the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), remaining undisclosed after the with-drawal of the British legation in 1941. After World War II, he continued to work for foreign intelligence and expanded the spectrum of cooperation with both France and the United States. After WWII, Sarafov could not conform to the reign of the communist regime in Bulgaria. He made a connection with the Anglo-American intelligence ser-vices and was cooperating with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for more than a decade. Sarafov was caught in 1968 and convicted by the Committee for State Securi-ty (CSS) in Bulgaria. The detailed review of the past events and processes through personal drama and commitment reveals the disastrous core of the communist regime. The acknowledgment of the people who sacrificed their lives in the name of democrat-ic values is always beneficial for understanding the division and contradictions from the time of the Cold War.


2019 ◽  
pp. 139-169
Author(s):  
Isser Woloch

This chapter focuses on Britain after World War II. The British could take pride in their stubborn endurance over six long years of war, but the toll and the scars ran deep by 1945: over 950,000 wartime casualties, including 357,000 killed; massive bombing destruction of already scarce housing; pervasive shortages and bleak austerities; and an empty treasury. From day one, inexorable postwar economic and financial constraints enveloped the Labour government, apart from its self-inflicted wounds such as the winter coal crisis in 1946–47 and the convertibility fiasco. However, across its five-year term of office, Labour stood by its proclaimed egalitarian values. Labour honored its unprecedented commitment “to raise the living standards of the people as a whole,” and it linked that goal to the imperative of raising the economy's productive capacities. The chapter also looks at the general election of 1945.


This chapter sets the stage for DRTE’s linking of nature and technology by examining anxieties about ionosondes — the chief instruments of ionospheric research. The ionosondes that emerged from World War II could not be trusted to capture rapidly-changing high-latitude phenomena. The chapter focuses on the efforts of Frank Davies and the Radio Physics Laboratory to create a coherent group of instruments, collectively responsible for mapping northern sectors of the global ionosphere. In doing so, it illustrates how efforts to standardize ionospheric equipment, as well as the multiple meanings of that standardization, opened up important possibilities for variation and difference in international collaborations. For Frank Davies and his group, the machines and the records they produced became a way of solving all-too-local problems with the North as a place of experiment and with the people occupying it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-156
Author(s):  
Roberta Bivins

It is something of a cliché to speak of Britain as having been transformed by the traumas of World War II and by its aftermath. From the advent of the ‘cradle to grave’ Welfare State to the end of (formal) empire, the effects of total war were enduring. Typically, they have been explored in relation to demographic, socioeconomic, technological and geopolitical trends and events. Yet as the articles in this volume observe across a variety of examples, World War II affected individuals, groups and communities in ways both intimate and immediate. For them, its effects were directly embodied. That is, they were experienced physically and emotionally—in physical and mental wounds, in ruptured domesticities and new opportunities and in the wholesale disruption and re-formation of communities displaced by bombing and reconstruction. So it is, perhaps, unsurprising that Britain’s post-war National Health Service, as the state institution charged with managing the bodies and behaviour of the British people, was itself permeated by a ‘wartime spirit’ long after the cessation of international hostilities.


1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuf Fadl Hasan

About 70 years ago, the Mahdist or Ansār state, in many ways a traditional Muslim government, crumbled under the fire of the Anglotional Egyptian cannons. On the condominium government that followed fell the task of pacifying the country and introducing western concepts of administration. All Sudanese attempts to defy foreign domination had failed completely by 1924. The British, the stronger of the two partners, had the lion's share in shaping the destiny of the country. Towards the end of World War II, the influential and educated Sudanese, like other Africans and Asians, demanded the right of self-determination. In 1946, in preparation for this, a sample of western democracy was introduced in the form of an Advisory Council. This Council, which was restricted to the northern Sudan, was followed two years later by the Legislative Assembly, which had slightly more powers. Although these democratic innovations were quite alien to the country and were introduced at a relatively late date, they were in keeping with traditional institutions. Until recently, the Sudan consisted of a number of tribal units where no classes or social distinctions existed and the tribal chief was no more than the first among equals; the people were therefore not accustomed to autocratic rule.


1989 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunday Babalola Ajulo

The Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established by the Treaty signed in Lagos on 25 May 1975 by the Heads of State and Government (or their representatives) from Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. They were joined a few months later by Cape Verde, thereby increasing the number of member-states to 16. Following the post-World War II convention whereby international organisations formally insert in their constitutive instruments a declaratory statement concerning their status, it is not surprising that Article 60(1) stipulated that the Community ‘shall enjoy legal personality’. Although such organisations may be similar they are never identical, and this is why the nature and scope of the legal personality of each needs to be ascertained and discussed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-284
Author(s):  
Carissa Honeywell

AbstractThe arrest and prosecution in 1945 of a small group of London anarchists associated with the radical anti-militarist and anti-war publicationWar Commentaryat first appears to be a surprising and anomalous set of events, given that this group was hitherto considered to be too marginal and lacking in influence to raise official concern. This article argues that in the closing months of World War II the British government decided to suppressWar Commentarybecause officials feared that its polemic might foment political turmoil and thwart postwar policy agendas as military personnel began to demobilize and reassert their civilian identities. For a short period of time, in an international context of “demobilization crisis”, anarchist anti-militarist polemic became a focus of both state fears of unrest and a public sphere fearing ongoing military regulation of public affairs. Analysing the positions taken by the anarchists and government in the course of the events leading to the prosecution of the editors ofWar Commentary, the article will draw on “warfare-state” revisions to the traditional “welfare-state” historiography of the period for a more comprehensive view of the context of these events.


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greer Cavallaro Johnson

This article builds on contemporary understandings that identity is accomplished interactionally and discursively through storyteller/interviewer engagement inside the telling of the story. It introduces a new notion of narrative inquiry through the concept of “transactional positioning” to achieve an imagined interaction between a listener outside the institutional interview context and a tale told in an interview narrative some time ago. Texts are arranged by a select listener in a pre-thought out way to imaginatively fill gaps between what the narrator said and what he could have said during the interview but did not. The intertextual activity on the part of the listener aims to expand, retrospectively, the positioning of the interviewee so as to make more visible his ideological dilemma, uncovered through conversation analysis and critical discourse analysis of an interview narrative about the social trauma of being an Italian-Australian interned during World War II.


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