Post-Islamism in Indonesia: Analysis of Islamic Political Party Programs in the 2019 National Elections

Although most Indonesia's population is Muslim, the Islamic parties' votes do not show a significant general election. This tendency encourages Islamic parties to develop post-Islamism to win the sympathy of majority Muslim voters in Indonesia. Ahead of the 2019 election, identity politics or sectarian politics had strengthened in the 2017 DKI Jakarta Regional Head Election, and even identity politics had long ago emerged with the proliferation of Sharia regulations in several regions, as well as the issuance of the MUI Fatwa regarding the illegitimacy of secularism, liberalism, and pluralism. This study aims to see whether Islamic parties maintain Post Islamism in political programs in the 2019 election. The research uses a library research method by collecting data from books, journals, national print, and online media. The study results explain that Islamic parties remain consistent in using the Post Islamism approach in the 2019 election, even though their vote acquisition is stagnant as a middle board party. Received: 4 September 2021 / Accepted: 15 November 2021 / Published: 3 January 2022

Islamic Parties between Sacred and Profane: Transformation of the Concept of Party in the Muslim Political Discourse

The article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the concept of Islamic party in the Muslim political discourse. Considering the processes of separation of Islam and politics as the formation of independent communication systems, the authors try to find an answer to the question of how, despite doctrinal restrictions, the notion “Islamic party” managed to acquire the features of a stable political concept. The authors propose a hypothesis, according to which, as the socio-political modernization of the Arab countries proceeds, the political system appropriates this concept, thereby specifying Islamic values at the level that allows to combine these values with new power institutions and fulfill specific political actions with these values. To test this hypothesis, the authors turn to the analysis of the temporal structure of the concept of party in Quran (Sunnah), the texts of the first ideologues of the Muslim Brotherhood and the rhetoric of the modern Islamic movements that occupy stable positions in the national parliaments. As a result of the study, the authors document the polysemantics inherent in the Islamic doctrine and identify the main parameters of the temporalization and pragmatization of the concept. According to their conclusion, the Islamic parties’ abandonment of Quranic time and placement in the national-historical contexts, as well as the erosion of their initial core values, determine the mo dern perception and functional significance of such parties: they act as an institution that differentiates Islamic norms and ensures their combination with the institutions of the nation state that emerged in the process of moder nization.

Political and Cultural Islam: A Historical Phenomenon in Indonesia

This article aimed to reveal the periodization of political and cultural Islam in Indonesia from time to time. In its development, political and cultural Islam had become an entity that hadattracted the attention of academics in Indonesia. Both types of Islam have always been part of the history of this nation. Therefore, the periodization of the rounds needs to be disclosed in a neat and measurable manner. This research was qualitative using a historical approach, and the existing data were presented in a descriptive analytical manner. The primary data of the research covered the statutes and bylaw of Islamic parties, such as Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia (PSII), Masyumi Party, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) and Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), while the secondary data were documents of works of Indonesian authors, journals, and online news or articles. The results revealed that the periodization of Indonesian political and cultural Islam started from pre-independence to post-reformation. PSII, Masyumi Party, PPP, PKS and PBB respectively were examples of political Islam that were established in their era. Meanwhile, cultural Islam was patronized by Jam'iyyat al-Khair, Al-Irsyad, Muhammadiyah, Persis and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Both types and groups of the Islam basically had the same goal, namely to carry out Sharia. Therefore, for the political and cultural Islam, the power and sympathy of the people seemed to support the realization of this goal.

Islamic Populism in Turkey

In the last two decades, multiple Islamic parties have become incumbent parties and/or joined coalition governments. Such a development brought debate as to whether these parties could moderate into democratic actors à la Christian Democratic Parties in Western Europe, or whether they were aiming at the formation of an Islamist state and society through electoral means. What remains relatively unaddressed in the literature, however, is to what degree Islamic parties truly derive their socio-political agenda from Islam. Hence, this paper will ask, how do Islamic parties utilize Islam? To answer this question, this paper will use a single case-study approach to test and to rethink Islamic political parties and what is “Islamic” about them in the Turkish case. This paper will study the Turkish case because the country’s incumbent party, the Justice and Development Party (JDP), has been governing Turkey since 2002, making the Party the longest ruling Islamic party still in power. Based on the literature on populism, this paper will argue that the way the JDP utilized Islam can be characterized as populism flavored by religion that is based on (i) a thin theological foundation, (ii) a majoritarian rather than a multivocal interpretation of Islam, and (iii) a Muslim unity rhetoric.

Parties and civil Society Organization in Libya Political Life

There is no doubt that the Libyan society is rich in its demographic and socio-cultural composition, but it was not accompanied by an effective and influential civil society. The tribe was the main controlling factor in the political arena through its political exploitation, especially during the period of Colonel Gaddafi's rule, Rejecting every political color under the pretext of "Who demonstrates other Islamic and civil parties , betrays," and "the partisan abortion of democracy," and the representation of the representation of the "and other political armaments abhorrent, a ranking of the aforementioned is the problem statement of the President’s question of: What is the nature of the role of parties and civil society organizations in political life?. The study aims to identify the emergence of political parties in Libya, clarifying the map of the Islamic parties involved in Libyan political life, and then highlighting the role of civil parties in Libyan political life, as well as standing in the reality of civil society organizations in Libyan political life. The study is a descriptive, descriptive method and a critical analytical approach to understand, study, describe and analyze the role of political parties and civil society organizations and their tools in shaping the political system of Libya, reaching the most important results which was recently created for the first time after the fall of Gaddafi reflected a competitive dynamic, but still lacks the ability to declare specific political programs and identify their political identity and position on current issues related to development issues that Libya seeks to achieve. Following the Libyan revolution in February, a large number of civil society institutions and organizations But it is still limited in activity and there is no presence in all regions of Libya, which reflects the initiative and seek to control the formation of gatherings and federations without having a practical translation at the grassroots level throughout the country.

Religion and Politics in Contemporary Turkey

Religion and secularism have been central threads in Turkish politics throughout the history of the republic. This chapter focuses on three important aspects of the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Turkey. First, it explores the political functions of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), a government agency that has served as the primary means for the implementation of the religious policies of the Turkish state. Second, it investigates the relations between Islamic communities, political parties, and the state and argues that the distinction between official and unofficial Islam that has informed much of the work on the Turkish religious field must be strongly qualified. Finally, the author focuses on the trajectory of political Islam in Turkey, critically reviewing the literature on the rise, political incorporation, and authoritarian turn of Islamic parties. The conclusion emphasizes the need for studies investigating the impact of politics on religiosity in Turkish society.

Army and Islamic parties in the political life of Turkey in the second half of the 20th century

The paper examines the confrontation between the army, which supported the inviolability of the principles of a secular state, and the supporters of the Islamic way of development. The authors provide a short course on the history of the military coups of 1960, 1971 and 1980. Based on the analysis of actions and public statements of the event participants themselves, researchers come to a conclusion that the fight against clerical tendencies played a role in the preparation of military coups no less than the fight against left radicals. The 1970s in the history of Turkey is an extremely unstable political period when weak coalition governments were in power. Aggravated by the end of the 1970s party contradictions gave the military a pretext for another coup, which led to the fall of the Second and the formation of the Third Republic in the political history of Turkey. By the end of the 20th century Islamic proponents, having accumulated vast experience of confrontation with the army elite, had developed a new political strategy, becoming the locomotive of the struggle for democratic changes, which allowed them to win elections in 1996 and then in 2002. Having finally taken power in the country, the Islamic Justice and Development Party began largescale reforms of the army, which are still ongoing.

Political Islam: More than Islamism

Political Islam and Islamism are terms used interchangeably to describe Islamic parties and movements that have risen to preeminence since the 1960s in opposition to “secular” states [...]

Institusionalisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) di Kota Palembang

This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat. The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.