Badiou’s Decision: To Give Up Leadership, Somewhat

Author(s):  
Nathan Coombs

This chapter concerns a striking paradox: on the one hand, Alain Badiou has emerged as one of the most influential public intellectuals of recent decades; on the other, he is known for insisting that philosophy is subservient to truths produced by politics, science, art and love. The chapter argues that the paradox can be unravelled by attending to how the philosophical categories and choice of mathematical models in Being and Event aim to, and fall short of, imposing limits on theoretical authority. These difficulties highlight the problematic nature of Badiou’s attempt to revive Althusser’s rationalist programme of the 1960s while avoiding that project’s theoreticist excesses. The final section reflects on how these unresolved tensions can help make sense of the charges of Stalinism levelled against Badiou after the Arab Spring.

2015 ◽  
Vol 95 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 145-172
Author(s):  
Francesco Alicino

Far from taking place in a vacuum, in Morocco the 2011 constitutional revision was assessed both from an internal political perspective and within the broader context of what has come to be called the ‘Arab Spring’. In this manner, the 2011 Moroccan Constitution has indeed marked an unprecedented change, declaring the State’s adherence to the protection of human rights, which are strictly related to the Western history of ‘secular constitutionalism’. Yet, in order to better understand the constitutional transition, one has to consider the religious characteristic of Moroccan monarchy which, on the other hand, makes it a prototype of a ‘globalizing monarchy’, especially within the context ofmena(Middle East and Nord African) region.The Moroccan constitutional transition can in fact be seen as a peculiar tool for taking into account endogenous and exogenous factors respectively. On the one hand, it allows us to investigate how an Islamic specific legal tradition interacts with some principles that represent the pillars of constitutional democracies and that, as such, have been universally recognised; at least in the West. On the other, the exceptionalism of ‘Moroccan spring’ lets us to evaluate how these very principles are contextualized in a peculiar context ofmenaregion; by which, for the same reasons, one can draw more general considerations concerning the relationship between the pressing process of globalization and post-colonial Muslim-majority States.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-88
Author(s):  
Francesco Alicino

In this article the author analyses the influence of Islamic references in the 2011 Moroccan constitutional reform that, far from taking place in a vacuum, was informed both by an internal political perspective and by the broader context of what has come to be called the “Arab Spring”. It will be outlined that, on the one hand, Islamic legal tradition interacts with Western legal principles; while on the other hand the exceptionalism of the “Moroccan Spring” reveals that those very principles are contextualized and adapted within this executive Islamic monarchy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 507-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Odysseas Christou ◽  
Constantinos Adamides

This article uses the theoretical framework of securitization in order to analyse the concurrent developments of, on the one hand, the Arab Spring and the resulting ascendance of a New Middle East and North Africa and, on the other, the discovery of natural gas resources by a number of states in the region. Furthermore, we use these developments as tests of the theory, in the process highlighting a number of criticisms that have been levelled against securitization and that are exemplified by these recent empirical events. We examine the outcomes of the Arab Spring as a process of contestation and as an avenue for the promotion of alternative discourses through the emergence of new political actors, institutions and state relations in the region. At the same time, we identify the underexploration of energy securitization in the literature and the need for a cross-sectoral approach for the referent object of energy in the widened security agenda. Ultimately, the article presents the argument that each of the two sets of developments affects the other, thereby transforming the environment within which securitization and desecuritization may result.


Author(s):  
Amal Jamal

This chapter examines the debates about the conceptualization and practices of resistance in Palestinian society in Israel. It does so in light of two important developments that have had major repercussions for this homeland minority: the social and political upheavals in the Arab Spring states on the one hand and the growing nationalist extremism in Israel, culminating in the passing of the nation-state law in 2018 and the delegitimization of the Joint List in the 2019–2020 elections, on the other. Examining the debates taking place about resistance helps us understand how political subjects active in this community define themselves and others and the meaning and implications of such definitions. Furthermore, it assists in demonstrating how Palestinians in Israel utilize the opportunities inherent in their institutional environment and the tools provided by that environment to facilitate an alternative political ethos that will guarantee it full civil equality and human dignity.


Author(s):  
Valerii P. Trykov ◽  

The article examines the conceptual foundations and scientific, sociocultural and philosophical prerequisites of imagology, the field of interdisciplinary research in humanitaristics, the subject of which is the image of the “Other” (foreign country, people, culture, etc.). It is shown that the imagology appeared as a response to the crisis of comparatives of the mid-20th century, with a special role in the formation of its methodology played by the German comparatist scientist H. Dyserinck and his Aachen School. The article analyzes the influence on the formation of the imagology of post-structuralist and constructivist ideological-thematic complex (auto-reference of language, discursive history, construction of social reality, etc.), linguistic and cultural turn in the West in the 1960s. Shown is that, extrapolated to national issues, this set of ideas and approaches has led to a transition from the essentialist concept of the nation to the concept of a nation as an “imaginary community” or an intellectual construct. A fundamental difference in approaches to the study of an image of the “Other” in traditional comparativism and imagology, which arises from a different understanding of the nation, has been distinguished. It is concluded that the imagology studies the image of the “Other” primarily in its manipulative, socio-ideological function, i.e., as an important tool for the formation and transformation of national and cultural identity. The article identifies ideological, socio-political factors that prepared the birth of the imagology and ensured its development in western Humanities (fear of possible recurrences of extreme nationalism and fascism in post-war Europe, the EU project, which set the task of forming a pan-European identity). It is concluded that the imagology, on the one hand, has actualized an important field of scientific research — the study of the image of the “Other”, but, on the other hand, in the broader cultural and historical perspective, marked a departure not only from the traditions of comparativism and historical poetics, but also from the humanist tradition of the European culture, becoming part of a manipulative dominant strategy in the West. To the culture of “incorporation” into a “foreign word” in order to understand it, preserve it and to ensure a genuine dialogue of cultures, the imagology has contrasted the social engineering and the technology of active “designing” a new identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-150
Author(s):  
Ahmed M. Abozaid

This study articulates that most of the critical theorists are still strikingly neglecting the study of the Arab Uprising(s) adequately. After almost a decade of the eruption of the so-called Arab Uprisings, the study claims that the volume of scholarly engaging of dominate Western International Relations (IR) theories with such unprecedented events is still substantially unpretentious. Likewise, and most importantly, the study also indicates that most of these theories, including the critical theory of IR (both Frankfurt and Habermasian versions), have discussed, engaged, analysed, and interpreted the Arab Spring (a term usually perceived to be orientalist, troubling, totally inappropriate and passive phenomenon) indicate a strong and durable egoistic Western perspective that emphasis on the preservation of the status quo and ensure the interests of Western and neoliberal elites, and the robustness of counter-revolutionary regimes. On the other hand, the writings and scholarships that reflexively engaged and represent the authentic Arab views, interests, and prospects were clearly demonstrating a strong and durable scarce, if not entirely missing. Keywords: International Relations, Critical Theory, Postcolonial, Arab Uprising(s), Middle East, Revolutions.


Philosophy ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Moore

The author begins with an outline of Bernard William's moral philosophy, within which he locates William's notorious doctrine that reflection can destroy ethical knowledge. He then gives a partial defence of this doctrine, exploiting an analogy between ethical judgements and tensed judgements. The basic idea is that what the passage of time does for the latter, reflection can do for the former: namely, prevent the re-adoption of an abandoned point of view (an ethical point of view in the one case, a temporal point of view in the other). In the final section the author says a little about how reflection might do this.


2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 187-200
Author(s):  
T. R. Khayrullin

The article examines the struggle of the Qatari- Turkish alliance for regional leadership in the Federal Republic of Somalia. The analysis revealed that the foreign policy activity of Turkey and Qatar in Somalia began during the events of the Arab Spring. Ankara and Doha used diplomatic, military and fi nancial instruments to strengthen their infl uence in the country. Moreover, Qatari money played an important role in promoting pro-qatari candidates to power during the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections. However, the eff orts of the Turkish- Qatari alliance to strengthen its position in Somalia have clashed with the interests of the Saudi- Emirati bloc seeking regional dominance. On the other hand, the inability to close the main cooperation with the central government in Somalia forced the UAE to support such autonomous regions as Somaliland, thereby intensifying the destabilization processes in the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Hani Albasoos ◽  
Buthaina Al Hinai

Following the Arab Spring in 2011, Yemen’s devastating conflicts have deepened even further, leading the country to be the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Despite the international community's multiple attempts to resolve this conflict, the conflict seems to have reached a stalemate. To make matters worse, resolving the conflict is made difficult by the large number of parties involved, internally and externally, and by the complex, dual and fluid nature of the relationships they share. Although the media and international community's focus is directed towards the binary conflict between the Hadi government and Saudi Arabia on one side and Iran and the Houthis on the other, the conflict is greatly multifaceted and far from being binary. This paper critically analyzes and explores other participating actors to comprehend the root causes of the conflict entirely. Although this conflict has been advertised as a proxy war, while others trace back the motivation to sectarianism, this paper argues how this analysis can be misleading and hindering the peace process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Lea Ringskou ◽  
Christoffer Vengsgaard ◽  
Caroline Bach

ResuméArtiklen omhandler et toårigt forskningsprojekt på VIA Pædagoguddannelse om klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet. I forskningsprojektet er der udført 11 kvalitative semistrukturerede interviews. Ud fra interviewene konstruerer vi analytisk tre dominerende narrativer: klubpædagogen som demokratisk medborgerskaber, frihedens klubpædagog og klubpædagogen som sælger. Ud fra narrativerne præsenterer vi tre større historisk og kulturelt forankrede nøglefortællinger om klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet. De to første narrativer indeholder nøglefortællinger om demokrati og frihed, der trækker på klassisk reformpædagogik og kritisk frigørende pædagogik. Heroverfor indeholder narrativet pædagogen som sælger en historisk nyere nøglefortælling om markedsgørelse. Vi betragter mødet mellem nøglefortællingerne som en mere overordnet fortælling om klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet mellem tradition og forandring. Afslutningsvis diskuterer vi, hvilke udfordringer og muligheder mødet mellem nøglefortællingerne, nærmere bestemt mødet mellem demokrati og frihed på den ene side og markedsgørelse på den anden, potentielt kan indeholde i forhold til klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet og omverdenens anerkendelse. På den ene side kan markedsgørelsen tolkes som risiko for dekonstruktion af klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet, der vil kunne udhule nøglefortællingerne om demokrati og frihed. På den anden side kan der argumenteres for, at netop nøglefortællingen om markedsgørelsen kan tolkes som mulighed for at styrke de to andre nøglefortællinger og at den sigt vil kunne bidrage til stabilisering og anerkendelse af klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet. AbstractLeisure time pedagogue working in youth clubs: between democracy, freedom and marketing? Three key narratives in professional identity of leisure time pedagogues working in youth clubsIn this article, we present the results of a research project about the professional identity of leisure time pedagogue working in different forms of youth clubs with children and teenagers from 10 to 18+ years of age. We base the analysis on 11 qualitative semi-structured interviews. Through the analysis, we construct three key narratives: a key narrative concerning democracy, a key narrative concerning freedom and a key narrative concerning marketing (sale). We use these three key narratives to illustrate the complexity of the professional identity of the leisure time pedagogue. Both tradition and renewal characterizes the professional identity of the leisure time pedagogues. In the final section, we discuss the encounter between the key narratives of democracy and freedom on the one hand and the key narrative of marketing on the other. What are the possible pitfalls and potentials in this encounter, when the pedagogues strives for the acknowledgement and acceptance of professional identity?


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