Scotland and the French Revolutionary War, 1792-1802

Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold

This book is a study of Scotland’s role in the French Revolutionary War. It charts the Scottish contribution to the war effort, as well as to the British government’s struggles to defeat political radicalism at home – lasting from the first outbreak of political disturbances in Scotland in 1792 until the War came to an end in 1802. A main argument presented in the book is that Scottish support for the British government was marked by a consistent focus on the challenges presented by the ‘French Principles’ promoted by the revolutionaries in France. Whether this meant defeating the influence of French revolutionary ideas in Scotland, or defeating the military might of the French republic, the Scottish ‘loyalists’ were determined to stand firm in their support of the British state. Over the period 1792 to 1802, the Scots made their very distinctive mark in terms of recruitment for armed service, demonstrations of loyalty and prosecutions against political radicals in the law courts but, perhaps less so, in terms of their financial contributions. The government of Scotland was further integrated into the British state in a structural sense over the course of the decade, yet retained many distinctly Scottish features none the less and – on the whole – the 1790s come across as a time when the Scots found little difficulty in seeing themselves as both British and Scottish.

Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold

What, in the end, characterised Scottish support for the British state in the 1790s – be that either in terms of Scotland’s contribution to the war effort, or the assistance Scottish loyalists gave to the government it is attempts to defeat domestic radicalism? The overall impression which emerges from the decade is that of a profoundly conservative society, the sudden upsurge of political and popular radicalism in the years 1792-1794 notwithstanding. The slower, but eventually stronger, surge of support for the government which materialised in Scotland in response to radicalism serves to demonstrate this point. Yet, while the 1790s was arguably a decade when belief in the Union permeated Scottish society, there was always a two-sidedness to this. Yes, the Scots were eager to present themselves as loyal Britons, but at the same time they were concerned to retain a degree of separate Scottishness, and sensitive to English criticism or interference in Scotland. It was important to be both British and Scottish.


2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 645-667 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES RENTON

ABSTRACTDuring the last two years of the Great War the British government undertook a global propaganda campaign to generate support for the military advance into the Near East, British post-war domination of the region, and the war effort in general. The objective was to transform how the West and the peoples of the Ottoman empire perceived the Orient, its future, and the British empire. To fit with the international demand that the war should be fought for the cause of national self-determination, the Orient was re-defined as the Middle East: a region of oppressed nations that required liberation and tutelage by Britain and the entente. Great Britain was portrayed as the pre-eminent champion of the principle of nationality, which was behind its move into the Middle East. It is argued in this article that these narratives constituted a significant change in Western representations of the Orient and the British empire.


Author(s):  
Nicholas A. Lambert

This book offers a new history of an old subject: the genesis of Britain’s disastrous 1915 Dardanelles campaign. It also offers a new history of a new subject—the strategic implications of globalization—because in order to comprehend the former, it is necessary to grasp the latter. Thanks to the development of the international wheat market during the late nineteenth century, the British government came to realize that the national dependence upon imported food had become the Achilles heel of the British Empire. The book shows how the disruption of the global wheat trade during the early months of the First World War exceeded the government’s worst nightmare. By January 1915, the rising price of bread and consequent threat of social unrest required a political response. It came in the form of a seemingly unrelated event: the disastrous British attack at Gallipoli in the spring of 1915. Contrary to all previous narratives which argue this was done for the military–strategic objective of relieving pressure on the Western Front, this books demonstrates that the British government authorized the attack for mainly political–economic reasons: to open the flow of grain from Russia through the Dardanelles in order to bring down the politically dangerous level of bread prices in Britain, and to enable Russia to export wheat and earn foreign exchange that would obviate the need for huge British loans to support its war effort. In so doing, the book offers a case study of grand strategic policymaking under pressure.


Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold

This chapter explores the various ways in which Scots demonstrated their loyalty to the British state in the 1790s. It is argued here that loyalism, and not patriotism, is the better term to use when assessing Scottish support for the government and the British state in the 1790s, and a main theme explored in this analysis is the question of what constitutes genuine loyalty, and how this can be measured. The evidence on loyalism is extensive, and it is clear that the Scots demonstrated their loyalty to the state in a number of different ways, such as loyalist resolutions, suggestions for policy initiatives, offers of personal service to the state, and a variety of voluntary financial contributions. A main argument in this chapter is that, in general terms, loyalism in Scotland comes across as very constructive in its outlook – that it was loyalism on the government’s terms.


2019 ◽  
pp. 73-114
Author(s):  
Philipp Nielsen

This chapter deals primarily with the experience of German Jewish conservatives and nationalists in the military during the First World War. It looks at Jewish soldiers as active participants in the German military, rather than as objects of the military’s actions. It focuses on frontline soldiers and the particular and peculiar position of military rabbis on the German Eastern Front. It proposes that the war, not least in the East, held great promise for German Jews. The chapter’s main argument is that, particularly in the East, Jewish Soldiers viewed themselves as active participants and contributors to the war until the very end. It thus adds to the growing focus on the way German Jews shaped the German war effort, notwithstanding the increasing antisemitism they experienced.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emad Khamis Hamza ◽  
Ali Hussein Ali Saed

The outbreak of World War II in September 1939 had a negative impact not only on the European continent, but also most of the countries of Asia and Africa. Iraq was affected because of its political and economic association with the British government, which was one of the parties involved in that war. The Iraqi and British governments had signed a treaty concerning their political, economic and military relationship on 30 June 1930. It came into force after the end of the mandate and the entry of Iraq League of Nations in 1932, but that the treaty was only a new framework for the continuation of the British occupation. The situation was exacerbated when the military became the helm of the government after the 1936 coup led by Bakr Sidqi, which caused much anxiety within the British government and the strained relations between it and the Iraqi government despite the British recognition of the coup government. These tensions became more evident when World War II broke out. At this point, the British government demanded that Iraq abide by the provisions of the 1930 Treaty by declaring war on Germany. However, the Iraqi government. In addition to the severing of diplomatic relations, the tension between the British and Iraqi governments were intensified by Italy’s entry into the war with Germany. Iraq refused to sever its diplomatic relations with Germany, but allowed the Italian government to open an embassy in Baghdad, which Britain considered an act of hostility. Military operations between the Iraqi and British armies continued throughout May 1941, known to the historical sources as ‘the movement of Mayes’ or ‘the revolt of Rashid Ali Kilani’ or ‘the Iraq war the British second’. The Dulaim brigade and nearby villages were involved in the greatest share of those clashes, which left material and human destruction on the people of the judiciary in particular, and the Dulaim brigade and Iraq in general. This ended with the occupation of Fallujah by British forces on the 19th of May 1941. It is useful to consider the position of Falluja in the context of the military battles that took place between the Iraqi and British armies during this period. The study is divided into four subjects .the first subject was titled as ”the British- Iraqi treaties until 1930”. It deals with most important provisions of the treaty, which became controversial. The second subject was ”Falluja and preliminaries of May’s Movement” clarifies the British government’s request, under the terms of the 1930 treaty, that Iraq declare war on the Axis countries headed by Germany. This request was rejected by the Iraqi government. In particular, this segment considers events after Rashid Ali al-Kilani became prime minister and the anti-British military leaders took control of Iraq, as well as the military and political preparations taken by the Iraqi and British governments throughout April 1941. This study also explores their impact on the situation in the Fallujah district, which forms the third segment, titled “Fallujah and the Second Iraqi- British War”. This section explores the most important battles occuring in the lands of Fallujah district, and the role of the people of the judiciary in supporting The Iraqi army against the British forces, which prompted the latter to take revenge on them after occupying the center of killing and sabotage on the nineteenth of May 1941, Atanih than the recent push to revenge them after the occupation of the district center of death and destruction on the 19th of May 1941, and the steps that were taken after a full occupation of the land district of Fallujah until the entry of British troops to Baghdad on the fifth of June of the same year. Keywords: Fallujah, Documentary, Movement, May, Position


Other than taxes, the best way to pay for the war was through citizens purchasing War Bonds. The Office of Price Administration (OPA) was organized to set the prices of goods and prioritize the allotment of goods. Due to the primary needs of the military, many items were rationed. Most Americans accepted the system, but there were some violations of the law. Citizens helped in the war effort through victory gardens, scrap drives, Red Cross work, Civil Defense, and volunteer activities.


1966 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-111
Author(s):  
U. U. Uche

On Thursday, February 24th, 1966, there was a military takeover of the Government of Ghana by the Ghana Army. Before the coup, Ghana was a sovereign unitary republic under a one-party régime. The President and the National Assembly made up the Parliament of the Republic. All Cabinet and other Ministers, except the President, were members of the National Assembly. Ministers were appointed by, responsible to and dismissible by the President. The President had veto powers over any Bills passed by the National Assembly and could in any case dissolve the Assembly in the event of a disagreement with the latter. The Chief Justice and other judges were appointed and dismissible by the President. From the above it is easy to see that the President constituted and dominated the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary of the country. What we propose to do here is to spotlight such constitutional and other changes in the law of Ghana as there have been since the coup d'état.


Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold

This chapter looks at the way Scotland was government during the 1790s. The central focus is on the response given by the authorities in Scotland to the up-surge of political radicalism and politically induced popular disturbances in the early years of the decade, as well as on the relationship between the local authorities in Scotland, and the central government in London. A main argument presented is that local and central government were not always in agreement, and that there was a degree of interaction between them, where the views presented by the local officials in Scotland sometimes prevailed. The chapter also looks at how the authorities in Scotland related to the various other challenges a decade of war presented to them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordan Herst

The discovery of penicillin by Alexander Fleming in 1928 revolutionized the way infections were treated. In the context of World War II, the government of the United States politicized the production and use of penicillin as yet another weapon to win the war. It was carefully rationed on the home front, while being used with reckless abandon in the treatment battle wounds and venereal diseases on the battlefield. Penicillin was described as a miracle drug that would be able to cure everyone, when in reality it was only being used to benefit the military and the American war effort, at the expense of civilian lives.


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