Conclusion

Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold

What, in the end, characterised Scottish support for the British state in the 1790s – be that either in terms of Scotland’s contribution to the war effort, or the assistance Scottish loyalists gave to the government it is attempts to defeat domestic radicalism? The overall impression which emerges from the decade is that of a profoundly conservative society, the sudden upsurge of political and popular radicalism in the years 1792-1794 notwithstanding. The slower, but eventually stronger, surge of support for the government which materialised in Scotland in response to radicalism serves to demonstrate this point. Yet, while the 1790s was arguably a decade when belief in the Union permeated Scottish society, there was always a two-sidedness to this. Yes, the Scots were eager to present themselves as loyal Britons, but at the same time they were concerned to retain a degree of separate Scottishness, and sensitive to English criticism or interference in Scotland. It was important to be both British and Scottish.

Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold

This book is a study of Scotland’s role in the French Revolutionary War. It charts the Scottish contribution to the war effort, as well as to the British government’s struggles to defeat political radicalism at home – lasting from the first outbreak of political disturbances in Scotland in 1792 until the War came to an end in 1802. A main argument presented in the book is that Scottish support for the British government was marked by a consistent focus on the challenges presented by the ‘French Principles’ promoted by the revolutionaries in France. Whether this meant defeating the influence of French revolutionary ideas in Scotland, or defeating the military might of the French republic, the Scottish ‘loyalists’ were determined to stand firm in their support of the British state. Over the period 1792 to 1802, the Scots made their very distinctive mark in terms of recruitment for armed service, demonstrations of loyalty and prosecutions against political radicals in the law courts but, perhaps less so, in terms of their financial contributions. The government of Scotland was further integrated into the British state in a structural sense over the course of the decade, yet retained many distinctly Scottish features none the less and – on the whole – the 1790s come across as a time when the Scots found little difficulty in seeing themselves as both British and Scottish.


Author(s):  
Keith Brown

This chapter provides a summary on the Anglo-Scottish relations before the Covenant. It specifically addresses the medieval inheritance of Anglo-Scottish relations. Undoubtedly, the fourteenth-century Wars of Independence hugely influenced the development of late medieval Scotland, leaving the Scots with a legacy of popular distrust of England. The new British state system with its composite monarchies was not unique, and multiple monarchies existed elsewhere in Europe. The structures put in place for the government of the new Britain had minimal or little impact on Anglo-Scottish relations, and what is surprising is how little governmental change took place. In terms of culture, the greatly improved Anglo-Scottish relations of the early seventeenth century had a modest impact. Religion was the single most damaging evidence of Scotland's distinctive traditions being compromised, and significantly it was on this issue that the Covenanters placed greatest emphasis in their subsequent negotiations with English parliamentarians in the 1640s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-254
Author(s):  
GRAHAM SPINARDI

AbstractTwo aerodynamic concepts theorized in the early twentieth century – laminar-flow control and flying wings – offer the potential for more efficient aircraft. However, despite compelling advantages on paper and optimistic predictions, the fuel-saving benefits of these technologies have not yet been fully realized. This paper documents British work on these concepts, with a particular focus on laminar-flow control. Faced with an increasingly difficult funding context and a lack of a clear military rationale, these potentially significant advances in aircraft efficiency were stymied by a catch-22: the government was only prepared to provide financial support for the development of an operational prototype if operational performance had already been demonstrated. This case also highlights the challenges faced in the commercial uptake of radical aviation technologies, even when they appear to offer greater efficiency and environmental benefits.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-118
Author(s):  
Amy Melissa McKay ◽  
Antal Wozniak

Abstract The government of the UK is reputed to be among the world’s most transparent governments. Yet in comparison with many other countries, its 5-year-old register of lobbyists provides little information about the lobbying activity directed at the British state. Further, its published lists of meetings with government ministers are vague, delayed, and scattered across numerous online locations. Our analysis of more than 72,000 reported ministerial meetings and nearly 1000 lobbying clients and consultants reveals major discrepancies between these two sources of information about lobbying in the UK. Over the same four quarters, we find that only about 29% of clients listed in the lobby register appear in the published record of ministerial meetings with outside groups, and less than 4% of groups disclosed in ministerial meetings records appear in the lobby register. This wide variation between the two sets of data, along with other evidence, contribute to our conclusion that the Government could have made, and still should make, the lobby register more robust.


1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Jones

The period between 1945 and 1970 was critical for the public reputation of British science. It was also a golden age for British cinema. Feature films of this period are used in this paper as a tool for investigating the public image of the scientist. Three main stereotypes are identified, but one of these, which I have called `the Boffin' forms the main focus of the paper. `Boffins' are scientists working with the government and/or armed forces in wartime. An analysis of the portrayal of Barnes Wallis in The Dam Busters provides the main characteristics of the stereotype, and fictional Boffins from other films are compared with this. The origins of the stereotype are traced to the actual situation of scientists in the British war effort, and to class and cultural divisions in post-war Britain. The persistence of the stereotype is also discussed. The implications of this analysis for our understanding of public attitudes to scientists during this period are considered.


2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toby Archer

British Muslims are citizens of the United Kingdom and also part of a worldwide community, the Umma, the Muslim community of the faithful. British Muslims have both national and transnational allegiances and on the part of the British state this has necessitated new ways of governing its Muslim citizens. Concerns over both terrorist violence and societal security questions regarding Muslims in the UK are both internal and external to the state. The government has had difficulties in finding transnational policy responses that go beyond the old division of internal and external security. After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, security was the main reason why the British state sought to engage Muslims, but this has been transformed into the wider agenda of ‘community cohesion’. In tracing the Muslim groups that the government has engaged with since 2001, I show how the issue of governing Muslims has gone beyond concerns just about terrorism and violence to a wider agenda that accepts British Muslims as citizens, yet at the same time still reflects the fears of Muslim ‘otherness’. I consider how this otherness is seen as a threat to societal security, and how the government’s attempt to create policies to deal with such threats is best understood as the ‘politics of unease’.


1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 925-945 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold L. Smith

At the national women's conference convened by the government in September 1943 Winston Churchill assured the women delegates that the contribution to the war effort by British women had ‘definitely altered those social and sex balances which years of convention had established’. His belief that the war had brought about profound changes in the status of women was shared by contemporary authors attempting to evaluate the effect of the war on British women. Studies written near the end of the war by Margaret Goldsmith and Gertrude Williams refer to a wartime ‘revolution’ in the position of women. Both authors defined this revolution primarily in terms of the changed position of women workers.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Luis Pérez Armijos

[English] In 1946 John Huston, in a coordinated effort with the United States propaganda machine to aid the war effort records "PMF 5019: Let There Be Light". The government, however, chose to instead publish "PMF 5047: Shades of Gray", a dramatization of the abovementioned documentary. In this essay we'll discuss the mechanisms through which verisimilitude is achieved, and the limits where reality becomes acceptable, starting from Jacques Aumont ideas of the limits of fiction.[Castellano] En 1946, como parte del aparato propagandístico bélico de los Estados Unidos, John Huston rueda el documental PMF 5019: Let there be light. Sin embargo, el gobierno americano decide no publicarlo, y opta por producir, sobre dicho documental, una dramatización– el llamado PMF 5047: Shades of gray. En este ensayo se analizan ciertos mecanismos que dotan de una semblanza de verosimilitud a las dos producciones –reflexionando desde la idea de Jacques Aumont sobre verosimilitud– los límites que hacen que una realidad sea aceptable.


Geophysics ◽  
1942 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-199
Author(s):  
F. H. Lahee

At the annual meeting of the Society in Denver on April 24, 1942, a resolution proposed by B. B. Weatherby was unanimously adopted by those present as follows: Resolved, That the Society of Exploration Geophysicists cooperate fully in the War Effort of our country by aiding in every possible way the maintenance of an adequate exploration program and also further the placement of all available geophysical personnel in suitable positions with the armed forces and other governmental agencies; also that the Society render assistance to all geophysical laboratories and shops desiring to do work for the government and for these purposes a committcu be appointed by the President.


Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold

This chapter explores the various ways in which Scots demonstrated their loyalty to the British state in the 1790s. It is argued here that loyalism, and not patriotism, is the better term to use when assessing Scottish support for the government and the British state in the 1790s, and a main theme explored in this analysis is the question of what constitutes genuine loyalty, and how this can be measured. The evidence on loyalism is extensive, and it is clear that the Scots demonstrated their loyalty to the state in a number of different ways, such as loyalist resolutions, suggestions for policy initiatives, offers of personal service to the state, and a variety of voluntary financial contributions. A main argument in this chapter is that, in general terms, loyalism in Scotland comes across as very constructive in its outlook – that it was loyalism on the government’s terms.


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