Demonstrations of Loyalty

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Main Theme ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Personal Service ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
General Terms ◽  
The Government ◽  
British State ◽  
Financial Contributions

This chapter explores the various ways in which Scots demonstrated their loyalty to the British state in the 1790s. It is argued here that loyalism, and not patriotism, is the better term to use when assessing Scottish support for the government and the British state in the 1790s, and a main theme explored in this analysis is the question of what constitutes genuine loyalty, and how this can be measured. The evidence on loyalism is extensive, and it is clear that the Scots demonstrated their loyalty to the state in a number of different ways, such as loyalist resolutions, suggestions for policy initiatives, offers of personal service to the state, and a variety of voluntary financial contributions. A main argument in this chapter is that, in general terms, loyalism in Scotland comes across as very constructive in its outlook – that it was loyalism on the government’s terms.

Privatization, Thick Sites, and the Women of the Wall

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuval Jobani ◽  
Nahshon Perez
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
The State ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Context Sensitive ◽  
Religious Conflicts ◽  
The Government ◽  
Governmental Response ◽  
Western Wall

This chapter analyzes the model of privatization, which keeps the state unaffiliated with any given denomination via a strict “hands off” approach toward religions. It attempts to reduce governmental entanglement with religion both by strictly limiting the role religion can play in political institutions and by respecting the autonomy of religions. It examines the applicability of privatization to thick sites in general and the Western Wall in particular. The main argument is that the most adequate governmental response for the Women of the Wall case, as well as for similar religious conflicts, is context-sensitive privatization. This approach is a promising framework for managing struggles over thick sites, because among other considerations, it is egalitarian, protects religious believers from the state, and unburdens the government from an entanglement with diverse religious beliefs.

Scotland and the French Revolutionary War, 1792-1802

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Atle L. Wold
Keyword(s):  
Revolutionary War ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
British Government ◽  
War Effort ◽  
Armed Service ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
British State ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Radicalism

This book is a study of Scotland’s role in the French Revolutionary War. It charts the Scottish contribution to the war effort, as well as to the British government’s struggles to defeat political radicalism at home – lasting from the first outbreak of political disturbances in Scotland in 1792 until the War came to an end in 1802. A main argument presented in the book is that Scottish support for the British government was marked by a consistent focus on the challenges presented by the ‘French Principles’ promoted by the revolutionaries in France. Whether this meant defeating the influence of French revolutionary ideas in Scotland, or defeating the military might of the French republic, the Scottish ‘loyalists’ were determined to stand firm in their support of the British state. Over the period 1792 to 1802, the Scots made their very distinctive mark in terms of recruitment for armed service, demonstrations of loyalty and prosecutions against political radicals in the law courts but, perhaps less so, in terms of their financial contributions. The government of Scotland was further integrated into the British state in a structural sense over the course of the decade, yet retained many distinctly Scottish features none the less and – on the whole – the 1790s come across as a time when the Scots found little difficulty in seeing themselves as both British and Scottish.

IMEMO in Early 1990s (continued)

2015 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
P. Cherkasov
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Social Liberalism ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Russia

The article analyzes IMEMO activities in 1992–1993, when in Russia, under the influence of both radical economic reforms and drastic weakening of the central government, a deep political crisis emerged and gained a dangerous traction, fraught with the death of a young democracy and even the collapse of the state. Under these conditions, along with economic issues, the politological research came to the fore in IMEMO – the analysis of the country's new political system, the definition of its development vector. The Center of Socio-economic and Socio-political Research of IMEMO headed by German Germanovich Diligenskii played the major role in this work. Analysts of the Center prepared a number of recommendations for public authorities concerning the creation and development of a new democratic political system in Russia. IMEMO experts paid the utmost attention to the nature of the political crisis that arose in the post-Soviet Russia in late 1991, and the ways to overcome it. In January 1993, the results of the study were presented to the discussion at the Academic Council. It was agreed that one of the main causes of the political crisis in the country was the social tensions worsening, as a consequence of the “shocking therapy” conducted by the government of Gaidar in 1992. In the discussion on the political outlook German Diligenskii, rejecting the possibility of the old command-administrative system restoration, substantiated a probability of transformation of the "market democracy" not yet established in Russia into the "authoritarian monopoly or monopoly-bureaucratic system". Noting the disunity of democratic forces, weakness of the entrepreneurial class, largely dependent on the state, Diligenskii formulated a program for uniting all adherents of “arket democracy” under the slogan of "social liberalism", which would take into account Russian specifics. Consolidation of democracy and market economy in Russia is impossible without preservation of the state territorial integrity and consolidation of the central government, with a clear division of functions and powers of its constituent branches. Monopolization (usurpation) of all power by one of the branches – legislative or executive – should not be allowed. The victory of any of them in any case would mean the defeat of democracy. Such was, in general terms, the position of IMEMO in the face of the 1992–1993 political crisis. Acknowledgement. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientifi c schools NSh-6452.2014.6.

The British State and the Structure of Political Opportunity

1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Cronin
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political System ◽  
Well Being ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
The State ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Male Population ◽  
State Action ◽  
The Government ◽  
British State

The mid-Victorian state was a modest, and only moderately democratic, affair. It was modest both in its size and in what it set out to do. There was no pretense that the government could do much on its own to remedy or compensate for social ills, and there was no party in the land with a serious program of state intervention. This minimalist character of the state, whose restricted ambitions were underpinned by the constraints of Gladstonian finance, was reinforced by its inaccessibility. Political participation was the preserve of a distinct minority, less than 15 percent of the male population after the reform of 1832. The Second Reform Bill of 1867 widened the franchise further, to about 35 percent of men, but political citizenship continued to be denied to the bulk of the working class and to all women.By contrast, few people—scholars or laymen—would attach the label “modest” to the state in the twentieth century, and, for all the flaws and imperfections that reduce its representativeness, it is obviously part of a highly democratic polity. The sphere of state action has expanded enormously since 1850, and, despite the recent efforts of Conservatives, the government still bears responsibility for numerous aspects of its citizens' well-being. Over roughly the same span of years the British political system has been democratized. Successive installations of reform in 1867, in 1884–85, in 1918, and in 1929 have brought first working-class men, then middle-class women, and finally all women into the formal political system. These two processes—the expansion of government and the democratization of British politics—constitute the major transformations in public life in modern Britain.

Competition and Credit Control

2021 ◽  
pp. 69-88
Author(s):  
Jack Copley
Keyword(s):  
Interest Rates ◽  
Currency Crises ◽  
Financial Liberalization ◽  
World Market ◽  
The State ◽  
Market Competitiveness ◽  
Credit Creation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
British State

This chapter explores the 1971 Competition and Credit Control financial liberalization, which saw the British state relinquish most of its direct controls over credit creation and instead rely on interest rates to govern lending. In the 1960s, Britain’s worsening trade performance had resulted in a series of currency crises, to which Harold Wilson’s government responded in 1967 by devaluing sterling. In aid of devaluation, the government enacted a series of contractionary measures. An important element of this disciplining strategy was the tightening of monetary policy through state-imposed lending ceilings. However, people proved resistant to this reduction in their living standards, and thus endeavoured to combat income losses by extending their bank borrowing. Further, due to falling profitability, companies faced a liquidity crisis that threatened to derail the export recovery. As such, the state authorities sought to use the lending ceilings to both restrict credit to persons and extend credit to companies. This hybrid disciplining/palliation strategy was extremely difficult to operate with the blunt monetary instruments at hand. In addition, the lending ceilings were becoming increasingly politicized. Consequently, the Treasury and Bank sought to discover a better system of monetary governance. It was the Bank that designed the uniquely arm’s-length CCC proposals. Yet these proposals were accepted by the Treasury and government in significant part because they appeared to offer a depoliticized mechanism through which the state could redistribute credit resources from persons to companies in aid of augmenting Britain’s world market competitiveness in a moment of intensifying crisis.

Some aspects of the idea of unity V. Solovyov and the present

2000 ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
O. O. Romanovsky
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Place Of Residence ◽  
The Government ◽  
The University ◽  
Temporary Closure

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the nature of the national policy of Russia is significantly changing. After the events of 1863 in Poland (the Second Polish uprising), the government of Alexander II gradually abandoned the dominant idea of ​​anathematizing, whose essence is expressed in the domination of the principle of serving the state, the greatness of the empire. The tsar-reformer deliberately changes the policy of etatamism into the policy of state ethnocentrism. The manifestation of such a change is a ban on teaching in Polish (1869) and the temporary closure of the University of Warsaw. At the end of the 60s, the state's policy towards a five million Russian Jewry was radically revised. The process of abolition of restrictions on travel, education, place of residence initiated by Nicholas I, was provided reverse.

Russia in 2000-2004: Heading towards State Capitalism?

2004 ◽  
pp. 42-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Radygin
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Private Business ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
State Capitalism ◽  
The Government

The paper deals with one of the characteristic trends of the 2000s, that is, the government's property expansion. It is accompanied by attempts to consolidate economic structures controlled by the state and state-owned stock packages and unitary enterprises under the aegis of holdings. Besides the government practices selective severe enforcement actions against a number of the largest private companies, strengthens its control over companies with mixed capital and establishes certain informal procedures of relationships between private business and the state. The author examines the YUKOS case and the business community's actual capacity to protect its interests. One can argue that in all likelihood the trend to the 'state capitalism' in its specific Russian variant has become clearer over 2003-2004.

Transiting into Singaporean identity: Immigration and naturalisation policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathews Mathew ◽  
Debbie Soon
Keyword(s):  
Manpower Planning ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Optimal Composition ◽  
Skilled Labour ◽  
Planning Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Ideal

Debates in Singapore about immigration and naturalisation policy have escalated substantially since 2008 when the government allowed an unprecedentedly large number of immigrants into the country. This essay will discuss immigration and naturalisation policy in Singapore and the tensions that have been evoked, and how these policies are a key tool in regulating the optimal composition and size of the population for the state’s imperatives. It will demonstrate that although the state has, as part of its broader economic and manpower planning policy to import labour for economic objectives, it seeks to retain only skilled labour with an exclusive form of citizenship.  Even as the Singapore state has made its form of citizenship even more exclusive by reducing the benefits that non-citizens receive, its programmes for naturalising those who make the cut to become citizens which include the recently created Singapore Citizenship Journey (SCJ) is by no means burdensome from a comparative perspective. This paper examines policy discourse and the key symbols and narratives provided at naturalisation events and demonstrates how these are used to evoke the sense of the ideal citizen among new Singaporeans. 

Blockchain technologies and their application in governmentadministration

2019 ◽  
pp. 182-190
Author(s):  
Myroslav Kosіak ◽  
Inna Kosіak
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Property Insurance ◽  
Data Registration ◽  
State Management ◽  
Digital World ◽  
Blockchain Technology ◽  
The Government ◽  
Historical Comparative ◽  
Methods Analytical

The purpose of the article. The article considers the Blockchain technology asan innovative tool. In particular, the essence and background of the developmentof blocks, the principles and specifics of the functioning of the system, as well asthe scheme of its work, are determined. The article presents the prospects forusingdistributed registry technologies (blockchain) in various socioeconomic spheresrelated to state administration. Provided examples and forecasts of the use ofblockchain technologies in the provision of state and municipal services forindividuals and legal entities in the following areas: formation of a unified registercontaining the history of the placement of the state, municipal order, as well asprocurement of corporations with state participation and / or control; registers ofdocuments (diplomas, certificates, lost and disavowed passports, policies for movableand immovable property insurance, health, etc.); database of court decisions andexecutive proceedings; public participation portals for citizens of Ukraine district- city – country. The fact that the blockchain technology is, first of all, theprinciples, and not the only possible way of implementing them, allows us to counton maximum openness and multivariate application in a dynamically changingchanging«digital world». Methodology. The research methodology is to use a combinationof methods: analytical, historical, comparative. The scientific novelty. The priorityof state blockchain systems introduction in stationary and distant voting, distributeddocument circulation, medical data registration, land resources registration,electronic auctions (auctions) in Ukraine was grounded. Conclusions. Already today,blockchain systems can change the role and participation of citizens in the conductof the state-management process, by raising the responsibility level, from thetransparent will expression in the elections to regulating the government serviceactivity in the society’s digitization conditions. The main advantages blockchainsystems using by public authorities that will increase the level of citizens trust todigital technologies using in general, namely: reliability and reliability of datastorage, transparency of transactions and virtually absolute protection of informationfrom distortion and unauthorized removal (relocation), are determined. In furtherscientific research it is proposed to consider the promising areas of the blockchaindigital technology usage: service activities of public authorities, legal proceedings,property rights management, implementation of migration control, verification ofgoods and services, registration of data on passing qualifying tests, patenting,intellectual property, digital identification, logistics , taxation, accounting ofbudget funds movement.

Hukum Denda dalam Keuangan Publik Islam di Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Mutual Benefit ◽  
State Budget ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.

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