The Price of Paradise: Robert Louis Stevenson, Joseph Conrad and British Expansion in the Pacific

Author(s):  
Jennifer Fuller

The fourth chapter turns to British settlers in the Pacific whose attempts to create ideal colonies reveal the weaknesses inherent in the British concept of themselves as a “superior” civilizing force. In Robert Louis Stevenson’s Vailima Letters and The Beach of Falesá, he questions the right of the British to colonize or settle in the South Seas as part of a “civilizing mission.” By examining the effects of the invasive settler, explorer, and trader on the island landscape, Stevenson linked the health of the islanders and the state of the islands, presenting European invasion as a violent and potentially dangerous “disease.” While Stevenson focused primarily on the interactions between British and Pacific islanders, Joseph Conrad instead focused on the ways in which life in the Pacific impacted British individuals in his later and largely overlooked Pacific works, Freya of the Seven Isles and “Because of the Dollars. Conrad’s work reflects an increasingly dark vision of British settlement in the Pacific, one that depicts British men and women as weak and degenerate.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Kost ◽  
◽  
Isaac Maddow-Zimet ◽  
Ashley C. Little

Key Points In almost all U.S. states, pregnancies reported as occurring at the right time or being wanted sooner than they occurred comprised the largest share of pregnancies in 2017, though proportions varied widely by state. The proportion of pregnancies that were wanted later or unwanted was higher in the South and Northeast than in other regions, and the proportion of pregnancies that occurred at the right time or were wanted sooner was higher in the West and Midwest. From 2012 to 2017, the wanted-later-or-unwanted pregnancy rate fell in the majority of states. However, no clear pattern emerged for any changes in the rate of pregnancies that were reported as wanted then or sooner or in the rate of those for which individuals expressed uncertainty.


The chief circumstance that induced Capt. Flinders to think his observations Upon the marine barometer were worthy of attention, was the coincidence that took place between the rising and falling of the mercury, and the setting in of winds that blew from the sea and from off the land, to which there seemed to be at least as much reference as to the strength of the wind or the state of the atmosphere. Our author’s examination of the coasts of New Holland and the other parts of the Terra Australis, began at Cape Leuwen, and con­tinued eastward along the south coast. His observations, which, on account of their length, we must pass over, show, that a change of wind from the northern half of the compass to any point in the southern half, caused the mercury to rise; and that a contrary change caused it to fall. Also, that the mercury stood considerably higher When the wind came from the south side of east and west, than when, in similar weather, it came from the north side.


Author(s):  
Yinka Olomojobi

Abstract There has been recent agitation for self-determination in the south-east of Nigeria for the state known as Biafra (a pro-secessionist group). The principle of self-determination is a well-debated discourse since it connects with the right to secede and create a sovereign state. Like a marriage at gunpoint, a reluctant partner will always want a way out of the marriage, and will take a hike at the first opportunity. Given this political inheritance, Nigeria has fallen prey to several attempts to undermine state sovereignty originating in ethnic and regional differences. The controversy has concerned both the principle’s status in international law and its charter. This principle has played a prominent part in the emergence of former colonies as independent states. The aim of this article is to explore the ongoing agitation for a Biafran Republic and to assess whether it is in conformity with the right to self-determination.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 194
Author(s):  
Sekar Anggun Gading Pinilih

Women's participation in the electoral field is very important to be guaranteed by the state. In practice, there is often an imbalance in the number of female and male members. There needs to be a special policy to accommodate women's rights in these elections. This paper aims to examine how the legal construction in the electoral field is responsive to the right of women to participate. The method of approach used in this study is the socio-legal approach. The results found that the legal construction of gender justice-based elections to the electoral system is by increasing women's representation through the zipper system or alternating position between men and women in elections. In addition, this mechanism should be mutually agreed upon in various technical arrangements to implement this mechanism design.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thomas Bogle Petterson

<p>My thesis examines the connection between childishness and primitivism in four key works by Robert Louis Stevenson: Kidnapped, "The Beach of Falesa", The Ebb-Tide and A Footnote to History: Eight Years of Trouble in Samoa. In particular, I discuss Stevenson's depiction of "primitive" peoples - the Scottish Highlanders of Kidnapped and the Pacific Islanders in the other works - as childish or childlike. While this is a trope that was typically used to justify imperial domination by "adult" Europeans (by writers such as H. Rider Haggard and Rudyard Kipling, for instance), for Stevenson the case is somewhat different because of the extent to which he valorises childishness. The "Introduction" places Stevenson's anti-imperialist deployment of the primitive-as-child trope in the context of romanticism and primitivism more generally, trends which idealised children and primitives in response to the degrading forces of industrial capitalist development in Europe. The first chapter shows how Stevenson's idealised notion of childish Highlanders in Kidnapped is used to valorise them at the expense of the sedentary and conformist "adult" world of the Lowlands. In the second chapter, I show how Stevenson similarly valorises the childish native characters in "The Beach of Falesa" and The Ebb-Tide, while at the same time he dismantles the notion that European colonisers of the Pacific possess any "adult" authority whatsoever by depicting the latter as being in the grip of infantile delusions. In these late fictional works, the idealised childishness of the natives, characterised by growth and vitality, is contrasted with European infantilism, which signifies the cultural regression and insularity that Stevenson saw as closely connected with imperial activity. My final chapter shows how these two opposed notions of childishness-as-growth and childishness-as-decay/insularity inform Stevenson's non-fiction anti-imperialist work, A Footnote to History. My thesis aims to show that Stevenson was not so constrained by imperialist cliches and rhetoric as some critics have argued; rather, I suggest that his sympathy for the victims of colonisation allowed him to dramatically undermine this rhetoric.</p>


1966 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 212-432
Author(s):  
Robert Wauchope

For purposes of this study, the Appalachian archaeological region of Georgia will designate that part of the state north of the following course from the South Carolina border in the northeast, southwestward to Alabama: the confluence of the Chatooga and Tallulah Rivers, thence along the northwest boundary of Banks County to a point just south of Gainesville, along an irregular line midway between the Chattahoochee Drainage on the south and the Etowah Drainage on the north. This meandering course passes through northern Forsyth County, south along the right bank of Vickery Creek to Alpharetta, westward through Cobb County north of Marietta to Dallas in Paulding County, thence almost due west, skirting the headwaters of Pumpkinvine Creek and following the Polk-Caralson county line to Alabama


1994 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 151-152
Author(s):  
Nadine Gordimer

Written in 1972 following the South African government's plans to abolish the right of appeal against decisions brought by the State Publications Control Board


Author(s):  
Thomas Coggin

Positioned as existing predominantly within a green agenda, the right to an environment (section 24 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996) presents numerous opportunities for rights-based interpretation in the "brown" urban and spatial environment. In this article I conduct such an exercise, focussing on both the right to freedom of movement (section 21 of the Constitution) and the right to the safety and security of the person (section 12 of the Constitution). I begin by drawing out the historical and contemporary spatial implications of both rights, drawing on empirical research that demonstrates how the enclosure of everyday space through gating practices and private securitisation in the South African city serves to extend spatial apartheid into the current day. A siloed interpretation of both rights, however, leads to an impasse between the two. Both rights are prima facie of an equal value in a constitutional setting. To resolve this standoff, I argue for the use of the environmental right as a constitutional value. This is an underutilised right in the South African Constitution, and yet it holds much promise given how it seeks to protect the health and wellbeing of both present and future generations. There are two benefits to employing the environmental right as a constitutional value. First, the environmental right situates both section 12 and section 21 in a symbiosis of individual claims to shared resources, in the process recalibrating the human ecology of the urban and spatial environment away from the centrality of dominant actors and towards a polycentricity of interests. In so doing, section 24 provides a fuller and more connected picture of both rights. Second, the duty implicit in the environmental right reveals how to begin realising these rights on a wider scale that goes beyond individual injustices and towards community justice. I argue strongly that this duty exists on the state: left unattended to, everyday space becomes the preserve of those with the means – financial or otherwise – to shape space according to their own anti-public interests. In this regard, I present two instances of policy and legal choices available to the state that serve to undo contemporary experiences of spatial apartheid


Author(s):  
Khudoiar Lesia

Introduction. The features of the concepts of equality enshrined in the provisions of the programming documents of the Internationals in the perspective of the genesis of the concept of human rights are highlighted. The aim of the article. The content and peculiarities of conceptions of the principle of equality in the programming documents of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals are investigated and compared in order to determine the influence of the hierarchy of moral and legal values of a particular political community on the evolution of the concept and content of the principle of equality in European society in a certain period of time. Results. The program of the Communist International, adopted at the 45th meeting of the 6th Congress of the Communist International on September 1, 1928, clearly articulates the idea of ​​equality between men and women, as well as the equality of all fighters for a socialist lifestyle, regardless of national, cultural, linguistic or racial differences , gender, or profession. On the other hand, this concept of equality applies only to the class of the proletariat, which fights for "a world-wide proletarian dictatorship and world communism." That is, the authors of the program advocated a class approach to understanding the principle of equality, whose effect was not to extend to other classes and strata of society except the proletariat. The concept of legal equality declared in the Comintern documents has the character of equality of results - a concept whose meaning is that society and the state must guarantee equality of people through the redistribution of wealth and status in order to achieve economic and social equality. Equality in this concept is the first and greatest value compared to freedom and justice. This kind of equality is called egalitarianism and is possible only if free competition, which underlies equality of opportunity, is restricted. The Socialist Declaration of Principles adopted in Stockholm in 1989 proclaimed freedom, justice, equality and solidarity as the basic principles of the Social Democrats. In particular, it was emphasized that the Social Democrats attach equal importance to these fundamental principles and understand their interdependence. Contrary to this view, liberals and conservatives favor individual liberty at the expense of justice and solidarity, while the Communists claim to have achieved equality and solidarity, but at the expense of freedom. The Manifesto of the Liberal International declared the concept of equality of opportunity, according to which each individual should be guaranteed equal chances to succeed in life, and focused primarily on the principle of freedom in accordance with the classical principles of liberalism. In particular, the following liberal principles were proclaimed: independence of thought; respect for the human personality and the family as the foundation of society; the state is only a tool of the community; it must not assume a power which is contrary to the fundamental rights of citizens and to the conditions necessary for a responsible and creative life, namely: personal freedom, guaranteed by the independence of the administration of law and justice; freedom of religion and freedom of conscience; freedom of speech and the press; freedom to associate or not to associate; free choice of classes; the possibility of full and varied training, according to ability and regardless of birth or means; the right to private property and the right to start a separate enterprise; free choice of consumers and the opportunity to take full advantage of the productivity of the soil and the human industry; protection against disease, unemployment, disability and old age; equality between men and women. These rights and conditions can only be guaranteed by true democracy. Сonclusions. Defining in the conception of the equality principle of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals of the twentieth century there is a balance between equality and freedom. In particular, the limits of freedom and, accordingly, the content of the concept of equality are largely determined by the hierarchy of moral and legal values ​​of a particular political community over a period of time. It is also important to emphasize that the genesis of the concepts of the principle of equality in the programming documents of three influential international political organizations of the twentieth century was conditioned by a complex and contradictory process of becoming European democracy. The triumph of the social-democratic and liberal concept of equality and its consolidation in the constitutions of most European countries in the second half of the twentieth century contributed to the deep disappointment of the general public of the European community with the totalitarian and authoritarian forms of government and the socio-economic progress of states with democratic forms of government.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thomas Bogle Petterson

<p>My thesis examines the connection between childishness and primitivism in four key works by Robert Louis Stevenson: Kidnapped, "The Beach of Falesa", The Ebb-Tide and A Footnote to History: Eight Years of Trouble in Samoa. In particular, I discuss Stevenson's depiction of "primitive" peoples - the Scottish Highlanders of Kidnapped and the Pacific Islanders in the other works - as childish or childlike. While this is a trope that was typically used to justify imperial domination by "adult" Europeans (by writers such as H. Rider Haggard and Rudyard Kipling, for instance), for Stevenson the case is somewhat different because of the extent to which he valorises childishness. The "Introduction" places Stevenson's anti-imperialist deployment of the primitive-as-child trope in the context of romanticism and primitivism more generally, trends which idealised children and primitives in response to the degrading forces of industrial capitalist development in Europe. The first chapter shows how Stevenson's idealised notion of childish Highlanders in Kidnapped is used to valorise them at the expense of the sedentary and conformist "adult" world of the Lowlands. In the second chapter, I show how Stevenson similarly valorises the childish native characters in "The Beach of Falesa" and The Ebb-Tide, while at the same time he dismantles the notion that European colonisers of the Pacific possess any "adult" authority whatsoever by depicting the latter as being in the grip of infantile delusions. In these late fictional works, the idealised childishness of the natives, characterised by growth and vitality, is contrasted with European infantilism, which signifies the cultural regression and insularity that Stevenson saw as closely connected with imperial activity. My final chapter shows how these two opposed notions of childishness-as-growth and childishness-as-decay/insularity inform Stevenson's non-fiction anti-imperialist work, A Footnote to History. My thesis aims to show that Stevenson was not so constrained by imperialist cliches and rhetoric as some critics have argued; rather, I suggest that his sympathy for the victims of colonisation allowed him to dramatically undermine this rhetoric.</p>


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