The Israeli Settlement Project in the West Bank and Gaza (1967–77)

2019 ◽  
pp. 41-84
Author(s):  
Ehud Eiran
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Institutional Capacity ◽  
The West ◽  
Territorial Expansion ◽  
Low Level ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Six Day War ◽  
East Jerusalem

The chapter explains the launch of the Israeli settlement project in Gaza and the West-Bank (Including East-Jerusalem) following Israel’s occupation of these regions in the 1967 Six-Day War. The chapter uses the theory advanced in the book and shows that Israel launched the settlement project in order to secure permanent territorial expansion into these areas. Israel believed that the future of these areas will be determined in a negotiation within the framework of UNSCR 242. The settlement project was meant to affect the outcome of these future talks. The chapter identifies the conditions for the launch of the project: US support and a legal ambiguity regarding the status of these areas, American support, and an institutional capacity to carry out such a project. The local population’s low level of affinity with Israel further contributed to the launch of the project.

8. Nationalism and messianism, 1967–1977

2016 ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Michael Stanislawski
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Sinai Peninsula ◽  
Social Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Yom Kippur War ◽  
Six Day War ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
East Jerusalem

The most consequential event in Israel’s history in the second half of the twentieth century was its victory in the Six Day War of June 1967 and its occupation of the West Bank, the Golan Heights, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and East Jerusalem. “Nationalism and messianism: 1967–1977” outlines the effects of this war and the 1973 Yom Kippur War on Israel and Zionism. Two historic developments were the dilution of the socialist component of Mapai’s labor Zionism in favor of a more centrist economic and social politics and the de-marginalization and embrace of Menachem Begin’s Herut Party as full members of Israel’s political establishment.

scholarly journals Will the water resources of Israel, Palestine and Jordan remain sufficient to permit economic and social development for the foreseeable future?

Water Policy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Chenoweth
Keyword(s):  
Water Resources ◽  
Scenario Analysis ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The West ◽  
The Status ◽  
Climatic Scenarios ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
The Gaza Strip

Scenario analysis suggests that by 2050 the population of Israel, the West Bank and Gaza Strip and Jordan will have grown from 17.2 million to between 21.1 and 38.5 million people. These population scenarios are compared to a range of water resource scenarios that consider the effect of climate change, a possible redistribution of the region's shared water resources as a result of a peace agreement, or the status quo. This scenario analysis shows that under all possible population-water scenarios combinations considered, the water resources of Jordan and Israel remain above the minimum threshold required for social and economic development. In the case of the West Bank, water resources may also remain sufficient for all population and climatic scenarios if the West Bank gains a greater portion of the shared water resources. In the Gaza Strip, however, desalination or water imports are required.

The Missing Reversioner: Reflections on the Status of Judea and Samaria

1968 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yehuda Z. Blum
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Local Population ◽  
Legal Services ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
The West ◽  
Legal Problems ◽  
Civil Proceedings ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Law ◽  
Six Day War

Two recent decisions handed down by the Hebron magistrate, Mr. Hussein El-Shajuchi, and by the Bethlehem magistrate, Mr. Tawfik El-Sakka, on February 5, 1968 and on February 27, 1968, respectively, have brought to the fore some interesting legal problems arising from the Six Day War of June, 1967 as a result of which Judea and Samaria (formerly known as the “West Bank” of the Kingdom of Jordan) have come under Israeli control.The immediate cause that has given rise to the elaboration by the two learned magistrates of the problems to be dealt with in this paper was the promulgation by the Officer Commanding, Israel Defence Forces in Judea and Samaria, on October 23, 1967, of Order No. 145, concerning the status of Israeli advocates in the courts of Judea and Samaria. Article 2 of the said Order provides that “notwithstanding any existing provisions to the contrary, any party to civil proceedings and any defendant in criminal proceedings may authorise an Israeli advocate to represent him in such proceedings.” Article 4 of the same Order stipulates that the Order shall be in force for a period of six months from the date of its entry into force (i.e. October 23, 1967) unless it is terminated at an earlier date by the Officer Commanding, Israel Defence Forces in Judea and Samaria. In the preamble to the Order the reasons given for its promulgation are “to ensure the efficient maintenance of the law, to enable the uninterrupted functioning of the Courts in the District [of Judea and Samaria] and to make available the services of advocates to the local population.” As will be more fully explained later, the reason for promulgating this Order was the strike of Arab lawyers in Judea and Samaria, which threatened to deprive courts and clients there of legal services.

Israeli Politics and the West Bank

Worldview ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-34
Author(s):  
Stephen Oren
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
The West ◽  
Israeli Government ◽  
The Future ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Six Day War ◽  
To Come

Half a decade after the Six-Day War the Israeli government has made no decision about the future of the West Bank. The elections held in the West Bank's towns in early 1972, but under Jordanian law, were one example of the Jerusalem cabinet's inability to come to any decision and its determination to postpone decision for as long as possible. This determination reflects the complexity of the problem per se and the deep divisions within the Israeli polity on this subject. We will focus on the internal Israeli aspect.

The Palestinian Legislative Council: A Critical Assessment

1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 90-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ziad Abu-Amr
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Critical Assessment ◽  
The West ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Executive Authority ◽  
The Future ◽  
West Bank And Gaza

Since its inauguration in March 1996, the Palestinian legislative council has failed to accomplish its two main objectives: to enact substantive legislation and to exercise oversight over the Executive Authority. An elected member of the council, Abu-Amr outlines reasons that he believes have contributed to the legislature's failure and analyzes the implications of this failure for the future of democracy in the West Bank and Gaza.

What Is Palestine? The de jure Demarcation of Boundaries for the icc’s ratione loci Jurisdiction and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 908-943
Author(s):  
Mutaz M. Qafisheh
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Rome Statute ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
The West ◽  
The Future ◽  
East Jerusalem

Abstract The boundaries between Palestine and Israel are legally demarcated under international law. The icc is entitled to exercise its ratione loci jurisdiction over Palestine’s territory that comprises the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip. Palestine’s borders have arisen from the lines drawn by the armistice agreements that Israel signed with both Jordan and Egypt in 1949. Although initially marked on de facto basis, these lines have been converted into de jure frontiers. By declaring that it possesses the power to adjudicate in Palestine, the Court will apply international law, not create it. Accepting the contention that the icc has no competence in a State owing to its unfixed borders may hinder the Court’s ability to prosecute perpetrators in other icc State Parties with disputed frontiers. It will hamper the Court’s authority regarding non-icc States with similar border issues that may join the Rome Statute in the future.

A Palestinian election will fail to materialise

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Security Control ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Territorial Claims ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Territory ◽  
East Jerusalem

Significance That comes just two days after a spokesman announced that the PA had formally asked Israel to allow Palestinian elections to take place in East Jerusalem -- which Israel has annexed but is widely considered to be occupied Palestinian territory. Both Fatah and its rival Hamas (which governs the Gaza Strip) insist that no vote can be held without East Jerusalem. Momentum for holding elections has gathered pace since a new government was installed in the West Bank in April with that explicit mission. Impacts Abbas may issue a decree ordering elections, but this will be meaningless without addressing these concerns. The Israeli right, bolstered by US support for its territorial claims, will resist any PA activity in Jerusalem for ideological reasons. Regardless of any election, Fatah and Hamas will retain security control of the West Bank and Gaza, respectively. Palestinian support for a one-state solution is likely to grow, albeit slowly and from a low base.

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