Judicial Cooperation in South America: A Regional Perspective

Author(s):  
Nadia de Araujo

This chapter examines international judicial cooperation instruments in force in Latin America. It sheds light on how international treaties have influenced the rules on recognition and enforcement of foreign decisions in the regional instruments adopted within Mercosur, particularly the Las Leñas Protocol.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Author(s):  
Paul Chaisty ◽  
Nic Cheeseman ◽  
Timothy J. Power

This chapter introduces the three regions—sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and the Former Soviet Union—and the nine countries—Armenia, Benin, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Kenya, Malawi, Russia, and Ukraine—that provide the empirical material for the book. It introduces the two criteria used for case selection: 1) democratic competitiveness; 2) de jure and de facto constitutional provisions that empower presidents to be coalitional formateurs. It also introduces a variable that measures the salience of cross-party cooperation: the Index of Coalitional Necessity. Finally, it sketches the political landscape that has shaped the dynamics of coalitional presidentialism within each region, and it draws attention to important contextual differences between the nine country cases.


1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 819-827 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor P. Blishchenko

In pursuing a consistent policy of peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems, proletarian internationalism, and strengthening relations with socialist and developing countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, the Soviet State concludes over 400 treaties and agreements a year.


2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 599-609 ◽  
Author(s):  
GUILLERMO O'DONNELL

The occasion of honouring the memory of John Brooks, a great friend of Latin America, has helped me vanquish my initial reluctance to tackle a topic that is as broad, varied and still open-ended as the present situation of democracy in South America. As a first measure of my limitations, with the exception of some references to Costa Rica and Mexico, I will not discuss Central America and the Caribbean, not because I feel these regions are unimportant but because, simply, I do not know enough about them. However, when I feel that I am on sufficiently solid ground so as to refer to Latin America as a whole, I will do so.I begin by noting that in contemporary South America some countries satisfy the definition of political democracy. Those countries share two main characteristics. One is that they hold elections under universal adult franchise that, at least at the national level, are reasonably fair and competitive. These are standard criteria in the political science literature. However, having in mind the experience of Latin America and elsewhere in the third world, I believe that we should add that such elections must be institutionalised. By this I mean that all relevant actors expect that elections of this kind will continue being held in the indefinite future so, whether they like or not, it is rational for them to play democracy, not coup-making or insurrection. We should also stipulate that these elections are decisive, in the sense that those who are elected do occupy the respective offices and end their terms in the constitutionally prescribed way; they are not, as it has happened too often in Latin America, prevented from occupying office or thrown out of it because some supra-constitutional power feels that they are the ‘wrong people’.The second characteristic is the enjoyment of certain political rights, especially of opinion, expression, association, movement and access to a reasonably free and pluralist media. Of course, these and other rights are important per se; in addition, they are instrumental – necessary conditions – for the effectuation of the kind of elections I have just specified.


1989 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Klimaszewski

AbstractA review of David Sharp's types of Aleochara from Mexico, and Central and South America is presented. Nineteen species are treated here, one of which is described as new (A. felixiana), seven are redescribed [A. angusticeps Sharp, A. funestior Sharp, A. mexicana Sharp, A. oxypodia Sharp, A. simulatrix Sharp, A. gracilis (Sharp), and A. duplicata (Sharp)] and one [A. miradoris Sharp] is put in synonymy under A. mexicana Sharp. The remaining ten species were treated in my 1984-revision of North American Aleochara but are here included in a checklist with references to description, redescription, and illustrations. Some additional information is provided for previously synonymized A. torquata Sharp (= A. sallaei Sharp), and for A. quadrata Sharp. Illustrations of genitalic structures of both sexes are provided for the first time for the seven redescribed species. Lectotypes are designated for A. angusticeps, A. duplicata, A. funestior, A. mexicana, and A. oxypodia.


Economica ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 34 (133) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
L. S. Pressnell ◽  
David Joslin ◽  
Geoffrey Tyson
Keyword(s):  

1988 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Shelley

A brief review is given of the taxonomic status, biology and medical importance, and distribution of the vectors of human onchocerciasis in Latin America. Key reference works are cited and distribution maps of each vector species in relation to the known onchocerciasis foci are given.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Lucio Oliver Costilla

Resumo Este artigo aborda as atuais mudanças em curso na América do Sul, desde uma sociologia política crítica a partir de uma análise das interconexões entre sociedade política e sociedade civil, em especial gramsciana. Ela propõe ser a chave para construir um campo de problemas teóricos e metodológicos vinculados à teoria crítica e a questão do Estado em sentido integral, que permitam entender o que acontece na sociedade política (a disputa de projetos políticos) e, sobre tudo, na sociedade civil (o universo de ideologias, valores, visões de mundo em jogo). A questão não se trata aceitar a ótica dos autores políticos que dirigem as mudanças em marcha, se não configurar teoricamente a problemática das mudanças. Sugiro que este enfoque de estudo permita valorizar a capacidade de intervenção institucional e político-social das forças progressistas e perguntar se estão apostando, ou não, a elevar os níveis de organização e consciência das massas populares, questão chave na construção hegemônica. Conclui-se que a questão central a elucidar na última década e meia de governos progressistas na América do Sul é saber qual o Estado que se precisa para uma sociedade em expansão e empoderamento, e qual a sociedade civil necessária para sustentar, aprofundar ou consolidar as novas políticas em um sentido emancipador. Palavras-Chave: Crises e reconfiguração da América Latina. Ruptura epistemológica. Construção de problemáticas sociológicas. Crítica e política nas mudanças da América Latina.---ResumenEste articulo aborda las actuales mudanzas en curso en América del Sur desde una sociología política critica a partir de una análisis de las interconexiones entre sociedad política y sociedad civil en clave gramsciana. Propone que clave construir un campo de problemas teóricos y metodológicos vinculados a la teoría crítica y a la cuestión del Estado en el sentido integral, que permitan entender lo que acontece en la sociedad política (la disputa de proyectos políticos) y sobre todo en la sociedad civil (el universo de ideologías, valores, visiones del mundo en juego). La cuestión no pasa por aceptar la óptica de los actores políticos que dirigen los cambios en marcha, sino configurar teóricamente la problemática de los cambios. Sugiero que este enfoque de estudio permite valorar la capacidad de intervención institucional y político-social de las fuerzas progresistas y preguntarse si están apostando , o no, a elevar los niveles de organización y conciencia de las masas populares, cuestión clave en la construcción hegemónica. Se concluye que la cuestión central a dilucidar en la última década y media de gobiernos progresistas en América del Sur es saber cuál es el Estado que se precisa para una sociedad en expansión y empoderamiento, y cuál la sociedad civil necesaria para sustentar, profundizar o consolidar las nuevas políticas en un sentido emancipador.Palabras Clave: Crisis y reconfiguración de América Latina. Ruptura epistemológica. Construcción de problemáticas sociológicas. Crítica y política en las mudanzas de América Latina.---AbstractThis article covers the current changes taking place in South America, from a critical political sociology to an analysis of the interconnections between political society and civil society, especially Gramscian. This may be the key to building a field of theoretical and methodological problems linked to the critical theory and the issue of the State, which enables an understanding of the political society (the dispute of political projects) and, above all, of the civil society (the universe of ideologies, values, worldviews at stake). It is not a question of accepting the perspective of political figures that drive the ongoing changes, but to establish, theoretically, the issue of change. I suggest that this study approach will allow develop the ability of institutional and political-social intervention of the progressive forces and question if they are trying, or not, to raise levels of organization and consciousness of the masses, the key issue is in the hegemonic construction. I conclude that the key issue, from the last decade and a half of progressive governments in South America, is to know which is the state that is required for a society in expansion and empowerment and, in an emancipatory sense, which is the civil society needed to sustain, strengthen or consolidate the new policies. Keywords: Crisis and reconfiguration of Latin America. Epistemological rupture. Construction of sociological issues. Critical and political changes in Latin America.


Lex Russica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 84-103
Author(s):  
O. F. Zasemkova

In May 2018, at the 4th and final meeting of the Special Commission of the Hague Conference on Private International Law, the draft Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Judgments in Civil and Commercial Matters that had been developed since 1992 was represented. It is expected that after the Diplomatic Session that will be held in the mid-2019 the draft will be finalized and the Convention will be adopted and opened for signature.In this regard, the article attempts to analyze the main provisions of the draft Convention and assess the appropriateness for the Russian Federation to access it, taking into account the fact that Russia has a limited number of international treaties permitting recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments in Russia and decisions of Russian courts abroad. Based on the results of the analysis, the author concludes that the adoption of this Convention will provide for a simple and effective basis for the recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments eligible for States with different legal, social and economic circumstances. This, in turn, will increase the practical value of court decisions ensuring the most comprehensive protection of the rights and interests of the party in whose favour the decision has been made and, as a consequence, will contribute to the attractiveness of this method of dispute resolution for parties involved in cross-border private law relations.However, the mixed attitudes of the EU and the USA to the Draft Convention raises the question of their accession to the future Convention and may significantly reduce the impact of the adoption of the document under consideration.


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