scholarly journals Pakistan and the Question of Recognizing Armenia: Pakistan-Armenia Relations, the Issue of Kashmir & Nagorno-Karabakh

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-45
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fahim
Keyword(s):  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The Way

This article aims to study the estrangement between Pakistan and Armenia in light of the issue of Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh. Most Pakistanis are not aware of the fact that Pakistan does not recognize Armenia nor have any official diplomatic relations with her due to Pakistan’s principle stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Armenia occupied more than 20 percent internationally recognized Azeri territory during the 1992 war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Pakistan has brotherly and cordial relations with Azerbaijan. Pakistan not only supports the Azeri stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue but goes out of the way to not recognize Armenia as a sovereign state. In turn, Azerbaijan supports Pakistan’s stance on the Kashmir dispute. On the contrary, Armenia not only refused to withdraw its forces from the internationally recognized Azeri land but supports Pakistan’s arch-enemy India on the Kashmir issue as a diplomatic move to counter Pakistan. This is the first-ever study conducted on Pakistan-Armenia relations. The article explores the reasons behind Pakistan's decision not to recognize Armenia in great detail. It discusses the estrangement between the two countries, especially in light of the Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh issue.

scholarly journals Pakistan and the Question of Recognizing Armenia: Pakistan-Armenia Relations, The Issue of Kashmir & Nagorno-Karabakh

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. ACCEPTED
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fahim
Keyword(s):  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The Way

This article aims to study the estrangement between Pakistan and Armenia in light of the issue of Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh. Most Pakistanis are not aware of the fact that Pakistan does not recognize Armenia nor have any official diplomatic relations with her due to Pakistan’s principle stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Armenia occupied more than 20 percent internationally recognized Azeri territory during the 1992 war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Pakistan has brotherly and cordial relations with Azerbaijan. Pakistan not only supports the Azeri stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue but goes out of the way to not recognize Armenia as a sovereign state. In turn, Azerbaijan supports Pakistan’s stance on the Kashmir dispute. On the contrary, Armenia not only refused to withdraw its forces from the internationally recognized Azeri land but supports Pakistan’s arch-enemy India on the Kashmir issue as a diplomatic move to counter Pakistan. This is the first-ever study conducted on Pakistan-Armenia relations. The article explores the reasons behind Pakistan's decision not to recognize Armenia in great detail. It discusses the estrangement between the two countries, especially in light of the Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh issue.

scholarly journals Hydrocarbon fuels as a basis of the Kurdistan region’s global diplomacy

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Dalsooz Jalal Hussein
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Hydrocarbon Fuels ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
Oil And Gas Resources ◽  
The Government ◽  
Traditional Understanding ◽  
The Way

The author of the article empirically studies the way countries are competing for establishing diplomatic relations with a non-governmental actor. The author focuses on the government of the Kurdistan region which uses its soft power to attract the attention of countries. Among other instruments, hydrocarbon fuels (oil and gas) were the main driving force of the Kurdistan region’s soft power. The author proves that economic and hydrocarbon ambitions have made the countries transform their traditional understanding of global diplomacy which inspires some former antagonist states to rebuild their relations with a non-governmental actor even more, and even to consider it as their close partner. The conclusions of the research correspond with the idea that the Kurdistan region will more actively participate in global diplomacy as it is rich in oil and gas resources.   

Book II Diplomatic and Consular Relations, 5 Functions of Diplomatic Missions and Consulates

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberts Ivor
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Vienna Convention ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The Right

This chapter examines the functions of diplomatic missions and the performance of consular functions by diplomatic missions. Under long established principles of international law now codified in Article 2 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, the establishment of diplomatic relations between States and the establishment of permanent diplomatic missions take place by mutual consent. The right to send and receive diplomatic agents flows from recognition as a sovereign State and was formerly known as the right of legation (ius legationis). Furthermore, it is in modern practice highly exceptional for two States to recognize each other without formally establishing diplomatic relations—and such a situation usually indicates extreme tension or coolness between them. By contrast, it is now common for two States to establish or to maintain diplomatic relations without having permanent missions in each other’s territory.

scholarly journals Economic Dividends of the Abraham Accords

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 205-208
Author(s):  
Manuel Fernandez
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Homeland Security ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Energy Technology ◽  
Economic Knowledge ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Tourism Education ◽  
Smart Mobility ◽  
The Way

The UAE and Israel had no direct relations before August 2020, as UAE had not recognized Israel as a state. However, the UAE was keen on building diplomatic relations with all countries in the recent past and is progressively becoming more liberal and tolerant. The UAE signed the historic Abraham Accord with Israel in September 2020. The Abraham Accord is an avenue of peace. It supports the efforts for prosperity and advancement as it paves the way for deepening economic, knowledge and cultural ties between the countries. There are opportunities to expand cooperation, engagement and knowledge sharing in various sectors such as agriculture, energy, technology, tourism, education, health care and services, trade and homeland security, climate issues, water, food security and smart mobility. Since September 2020, several transactions have been signed between Israeli and Emirati firms in different fields, valued at tens of millions of dollars. On the anniversary of the agreements, the volume of trade between Israel and the Emirates amounted to more than $ 100 million per month. The Abraham Accord has paved the way, is gradually improving the relationships in the region, and will slowly but surely lead to better peace and economic prosperity of the region.

Establishment of Diplomatic Relations

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denza Eileen
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Vienna Convention ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Holy See ◽  
Foreign State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Right ◽  
International Law Commission ◽  
Law Commission

This chapter analyses the Article 2 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations which states that diplomatic relations, and of permanent diplomatic missions, takes place by mutual consent. It outlines the changes and development that led to the formation of the article. The International Law Commission traces the roots of the second article from a state’s right to legation, the right of sending a diplomatic mission to a foreign state. However, in order to determine whether an entity has the ‘right of legation’, it is necessary to determine whether or not it is a State. For most of the Parties of the Convention, the right to conduct diplomatic relations is generally regarded as flowing from recognition as a sovereign State. The chapter describes some instances where recognition plays an important factor in diplomacy, such as the status of Palestine and the Holy See.

scholarly journals Internet Peculiarity and Territorial Traditionalism Converge on Cyberspace: A Study of Techno-legal Synchronization in the USA

IIUC Studies ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 117-130
Author(s):  
Kazi Arshadul Hoque ◽  
Mohammad Mahabubur Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Legal Issues ◽  
High Tech ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Legal Principles ◽  
Physical Location ◽  
Physical Control ◽  
State Authority ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Way

Law is enacted and imposed by sovereign state authority. As the states are territorial in nature, the enforcement of law depends to a large extend on the ability to exercise physical control over the territory. Cyberspace and internet have no territorial-based boundaries and are almost entirely independent of physical location. In spite of inevitability of a distinct set of laws and legal principles to be adopted for cyber offences the traditional territorial law can supply element for cyber legal issues. The hi-tech pioneer American courts whether federal or provincial are very much inclined to decide the internet- cases on the basis of territorial concept by applying the principles of traditional territorial notions. This article concentrates on the study of the American cases as a representative type of hi-tech nations for searching the influences of traditional territorial concept on the settlement of internet- cases and the way for overcoming the problems came out of cyber peculiarity. This article will show how law together with internet has created a new environment in legal arena; and how the USA as high-tech nation relying upon previous territorial experience is making new pathway for the jurists, courts and all others. This article is based on keen observation and intensive analysis of American practice. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/iiucs.v7i0.12264 IIUC Studies Vol.7 2011: 117-130

Chronology

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-35
Author(s):  
Paul Karolyi
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Comprehensive Overview ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Palestinian Territories ◽  
Israeli Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Way

This is part 131 of a chronology begun in Journal of Palestine Studies 13, no. 3 (Spring 1984), and covers events from 16 May to 15 August 2016 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. The habba, or uprising, that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 dissipated further as the Israeli government expanded its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, the Israeli Left, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected international efforts to push Israel closer to peace talks with the Palestinians, instead shifting his ruling coalition further to the right. The French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing, despite Israeli opposition. Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8/2016. Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the peace process, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (1).

The Limits of Sovereignty

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Sasges
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
State Building ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
State Control ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Economic Exploitation ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Way

Rather than serve as the foundation for the territorially sovereign state, the alcohol regime undermined and then redrew many of Indochina’s administrative boundaries. The most obvious example is the alcohol Régie of Tonkin and Northern Annam, which reconfigured one of Indochina’s basic administrative boundaries, that of its five consitutent “countries” (pays). More remarkable is the way much of Indochina remained outside the reach of the alcohol economies. In broad expanses of Tonkin, Annam, Cochinchina, Cambodia and Laos, interactions of geography, history, and people limited the penetration both of the SFDIC’s alcohol and of state systems of control. The result was three distinct political-industrial economies: one a reconfigured Tonkin, another a reconfigured Cochinchina, and a third “near beyond” subject to very different and more flexible regimes of economic exploitation and State control. These regimes generated very different experiences of colonial rule, economic development, and state-building, with important implications for the post-colonial states to come.

Establishment and development of international cooperation in the education and training system of Uzbekistan in the first years of independence

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasieva D. I
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Education And Training ◽  
International Community ◽  
Training System ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Full Member ◽  
And Training

This paper investigated major points of the achieving state independence that allowed Uzbekistan to become a full member of the international community, independently pursue its foreign policy and set its own priorities in accordance with its own conditions. It is known that in the first years of independence, Uzbekistan was recognized as a sovereign state by about 130 countries, and our Republic established diplomatic relations with more than 60 countries.

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