scholarly journals Associations Between Relapses and Psychosocial Outcomes in Patients With Schizophrenia in Real-World Settings in the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dee Lin ◽  
Kruti Joshi ◽  
Alexander Keenan ◽  
Jason Shepherd ◽  
Hollie Bailey ◽  
...  

Aim: To assess associations between relapses and psychosocial outcomes in adult patients with schizophrenia treated in United States (US) healthcare settings.Methods: Data were derived from a point-in-time survey of psychiatrists and their patients with schizophrenia conducted across the US, France, Spain, China, and Japan between July and October 2019. For the purposes of this analysis, only data from US practitioners and patients were included. Disease-specific programmes (DSPs) are large surveys with a validated methodology conducted in clinical practise; they describe current disease management, disease burden, and associated treatment effects (clinical and physician-perceived). Participating psychiatrists completed patient record forms for their next 10 consecutive adult consulting patients with schizophrenia, with the same patients invited to voluntarily complete a patient self-completion (PSC) questionnaire. Surveys contained questions on the patients' disease background, treatment history, prior hospitalisation due to schizophrenia relapse and a series of psychosocial outcomes. Associations between relapses in the last 12 months and psychosocial outcomes were examined using multiple regression.Results: A total of 124 psychiatrists provided data on 1,204 patients. Of these, 469 patients (mean age, 39.6 years; 56.5% male) had known hospitalisation history for the last 12 months and completed a PSC; 116 (24.7%) patients had ≥1 relapse. Compared to patients without relapses, patients who relapsed were more likely to be homeless, unemployed, previously incarcerated, and currently have difficulties living independently (all p < 0.05). Patients who experience a relapse also had greater working impairment and poorer quality of life compared with those who did not relapse. In general, psychosocial outcomes became poorer with an increasing number of relapses.Conclusions: In this population of patients with schizophrenia from the US, relapse was significantly associated with poor psychosocial outcomes, with a greater number of relapses predicting worse outcomes. Early intervention to reduce the risk of relapse may improve psychosocial outcomes in patients with schizophrenia.

Author(s):  
Christian Leuprecht

This chapter reviews the member organizations of the United States Intelligence Community, the strategic environment that has informed intelligence and accountability in the United States, including scandals as a key driver of innovation, and the current and future threat environment as seen by the United States. The chapter examines the US intelligence accountability architecture: the House of Representative Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, the Inspectors General, the Government Accountability Office, the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Office, and the President’s Intelligence Advisory Board. The sheer number and complexity of accountability bodies in the US gives rise to inefficiencies, ineffectiveness, and duplication. The accountability system is replete with gaps and vulnerabilities: partisanship, collective-action problems, resource allocation, and inconsistent quality of review in congressional accountability; GAO’s limited authority to review the USIC and sensitive operations; the adequacy of the FISA court in adequately protecting the rights of Americans; and Presidential discretion in appointing and removing IGs. These issues have implications not just for the United States, but for allies, partners as well as regional and global stability.


1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 275-280
Author(s):  
P.P. Jalbert ◽  
G.L. Salmon ◽  
S. De Scisciolo (INVITED)

Abstract The US Environmental Protection Agency's voluntary National Radon Proficiency Programmes: Radon Measurement, and Reduction Proficiency are described, including their history and development, current status and future directions. The Radon Measurement Proficiency (RMP) and Radon Contractor Proficiency (RCP) programmes are fundamental to the Agency's programme to reduce the health risk associated with exposure to elevated radon levels in indoor air. Originally developed to provide technical assistance to States, the proficiency programmes now offer US consumers assurance of the quality of their radon measurements and reduction jobs. In other words, the proficiency programmes provide a means to consumers for deciding from which organisations or individuals to purchase radon services. This is especially important in the United States where most radon services are acquired through private enterprises rather than through the public sector. The Agency encourages the public to purchase radon measurement and reduction services only from organisations or individuals that have met the requirements of EPA's proficiency programmes. An increasing number of States require an EPA proficiency listing for their radon registration, licensing, and certification programmes. EPA estimates that about 85% of US companies offering radon services are participating in its proficiency programmes. Consequently, the Agency believes that the development and growth of quality radon services has kept pace with consumer demand. The United States markeplace for residential radon measurement and mitigation services has been dynamic since its inception in the mid-1980s. The fluidity of the market is likely to continue, with some significant changes appearing imminent. The US Congress is now considering legislation that would require participation in the Agency's radon proficiency programmes. In addition, this legislation contains provisions that would encourage consumer testing. Increased testing, coupled with a mandatory national proficiency programme, is likely to result in an increase in the quality of radon services available to the US public.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Jaganath Sankaran

Abstract The contention over the quantity and quality of regional missile defenses forward-deployed by the United States in the Asia-Pacific region animates much of the US–China disagreement about strategic stability. The Chinese argue that the deployed assets exceed reasonable defensive requirements and suggest that if these missile-defense deployments continue, they will be forced to increase the size of their nuclear arsenal. In disagreement, the United States claims that regional missile defenses are defensive by design, limited in scope, and necessary to defeat a North Korean missile campaign. In this article, a series of simulation experiments were developed to empirically test these opposing arguments over missile defenses and strategic stability. The simulations indicate that current deployments are necessary for defense and proportional to the threat. The analysis also argues that current deployments do not possess the ability to alter the US–China strategic nuclear balance significantly. The article concludes with a discussion of other subjective aspects of national security that may explain Chinese concerns and explore possible ways to reassure China.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-5 ◽  
Author(s):  
I Kirilov ◽  
M Atzeni ◽  
A Perra ◽  
D Moro ◽  
MG Carta

Background: The objective of this research is to verify whether European projects on Active Aging (AA) and Elderly Quality of Life (Qol) funded by the Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) produce an impact on literature similar to projects funded by the National Health Institute (NHI) of the United States on international literature using well-known bibliometric indicators. This effort may be useful in developing standardized and replicable procedures. Methods: Fifteen randomly selected projects on AA and Elderly Qol concluded in August 2017 and funded by FP7 were compared to similar projects funded by the US NHI with reference to papers published (Scopus and Scholar), papers published in Q1 journals, and the number of citations of the papers linked to the projects. Results: In all the indicators considered, the European projects showed no difference with the US NHI projects. Conclusions: The EU-funded AA and Qol Elderly projects have an impact on scientific literature comparable to projects funded in the United States by the NHI Agency. Our results are consistent with the data on general medical research, which indicates that, European research remains at a high level of competitiveness. In this experimental study, our methodology appeared to be convincing and reliable and it could be applied to the extent of the impact of more extensive research areas. Our research did not evaluate the relationship between funding required by research and scientific productivity.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Pudlinski

This study stems from an interest in peer support talk, an underexplored area of research, and in how supportive actions such as formulated summaries function in comparison to more professional healthcare settings. Using conversation analysis, this study explores 35 instances of formulations within 65 calls to four different ‘warm lines’, a term for peer-to-peer telephone support within the community mental health system in the United States. Formulations can be characterized across two related axes: client versus professional perspective, and directive versus nondirective. The findings show that formulations within peer support were overwhelmingly nondirective, in terms of meeting institutional agendas to let callers talk. However, formulations ranged from client-oriented ones that highlight or repeat caller reports to those which transform caller reports through integrating past caller experiences or implicit caller emotions. These tactics are found to have similarities to how formulations function in professional healthcare settings.


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