scholarly journals Shapes Determine Elections

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika L. Ward

When we elect representatives to the U.S. House of Representatives (or to state legislative bodies, or even the school board), we do so by dividing people into districts, and having each district elect one representative. The districts we draw as shapes on maps can affect the outcome of the elections. As a result, the process of creating or changing districts and the shapes we draw to create them are important. After every census, each state must construct a new district map. When they do that unfairly, it can give an unfair advantage to one of the political parties. This is called gerrymandering. By looking at the shapes of districts and examining their compactness, we can start to detect fair and unfair district maps.

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
John C. Davis

Previous scholarship on the political cultures of the political parties provides anecdotal evidence regarding the distinct differences between the two major U.S. political parties. This conventional wisdom is based on one important essay authored by Jo Freeman nearly 30 years ago. To date, our understanding regarding the nature and effects of the political cultures of the Democratic and Republican parties suffers from lack of rigorous empirical examination. This study explores the political cultures of the political parties by examining the behaviors of congressional members seeking their party's nomination for another office. In this dissertation, I measure the extent which the Democratic and Republican parties' political cultures effect progressively ambitious members of the U.S. Senate and U.S. House of Representatives. In addition, I provide firsthand accounts of how these cultures impact state legislative careers. The empirical tests I present in this project largely support Freeman's earlier accounts as to the nature of the two major parties' political cultures at the national level. Based on firsthand accounts, however, I also provide evidence to suggest the political cultures of the parties are subject to short-term, localized forces at the state-level.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-106
Author(s):  
Khaled Elgindy

This essay looks at the hearing held by the Foreign Affairs Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives in April 1922 on the subject of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, as well as the broader congressional debate over the Balfour Declaration at that crucial time. The landmark hearing, which took place against the backdrop of growing unrest in Palestine and just prior to the League of Nations' formal approval of Britain's Mandate over Palestine, offers a glimpse into the cultural and political mindset underpinning U.S. support for the Zionist project at the time as well as the ways in which the political discourse in the United States has, or has not, changed since then. Despite the overwhelming support for the Zionist project in Congress, which unanimously endorsed Balfour in September 1922, the hearing examined all aspects of the issue and included a remarkably diverse array of viewpoints, including both anti-Zionist Jewish and Palestinian Arab voices.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Silverio Tamez Garza ◽  
Adriana Verónica Hinojosa Cruz ◽  
Carlos Augusto Jiménez Zárate

Abstract. In this paper we analyze how much influence the political party with the largest nationwide (Partido Revolucionario Institucional: PRI) in the Congress, specifically the House of Representatives, in the distribution of the Funds of Branch 23: Paving Fund and Sports Spaces for Municipalities, for the year 2010 which is when this fund was created and for the year 2011. The results of our analysis were that there is a positive impact in the influence ofthe political party with the largest presence in the Chamber of Deputies in the allocation of resources to those municipalities that are governed by mayors from the PRI.Keywords: municipalities, paving and spaces fund goods, political parties, populationResumen. En el presente artículo se analiza la influencia que puede presentar laconfiguración de la Cámara de Diputados con una mayoría por partido en la asignación de recursos hacia las entidades federativas y municipios. Se tomó el caso del Fondo de Pavimentación y Espacios Deportivos para Municipios comparando la distribución en el año de su creación (2010) cuando no se emitieron reglas para su acceso con el siguiente año (2011) tomando en cuenta nuevos criterios. El resultado que nos arroja nuestro análisis es que existe una incidencia positiva en cuanto a la influencia política que se ejerce cuando unexiste mayoría en la representación partidista en la Cámara de Diputados.Palabras clave: fondo de pavimentación y espacios deportivos, municipios, partidos políticos, población


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrina Quisumbing King

A perennial question in the scholarship of the state asks how states rule and expand their capacity to do so. Scholars have paid special attention to activities that rationalize and build administrative capacity, known as legibility projects. Alongside these projects, state actors also rule through ambiguous and unclear techniques that have been given less scholarly attention. I introduce the concept of institutionalized ambiguity in legal status to extend the study of state rule. I ask what generates ambiguity, what purposes it serves in law and policy, and what consequences it has for the management of populations. I propose an analytic approach that draws attention to equivocation in law as enabling classificatory debates and discretion in the political realm. To illustrate the purchase of institutionalized ambiguity in legal status, I analyze how, during the years of formal imperial rule (1898-1946), U.S. state actors debated the racial fitness and membership of Filipinos in the imagined U.S. nation. I consider the broader implications of this analysis for scholars of modern state formation and suggest that foundational conflicts over national identity can be institutionalized in law, in turn facilitating a range of contradictory, but co-existing, legally defensible policies.


1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby

Most people who study politics are in general agreement, it seems to me, on at least two propositions. First, we agree that for a political system to be viable, for it to succeed in performing tasks of authoritative resource allocation, problem solving, conflict settlement, and so on, in behalf of a population of any substantial size, it must be institutionalized. That is to say, organizations must be created and sustained that are specialized to political activity.1 Otherwise, the political system is likely to be unstable, weak, and incapable of servicing the demands or protecting the interests of its constituent groups. Secondly, it is generally agreed that for a political system to be in some sense free and democratic, means must be found for institutionalizing representativeness with all the diversity that this implies, and for legitimizing yet at the same time containing political opposition within the system.2Our growing interest in both of these propositions, and in the problems to which they point, can begin to suggest the importance of studying one of the very few extant examples of a highly specialized political institution which over the long run has succeeded in representing a large number of diverse constituents, and in legitimizing, expressing, and containing political opposition within a complex political system—namely, the U.S. House of Representatives.The focus of my attention here will be first of all descriptive, drawing together disparate strands—some of which already exist in the literature3—in an attempt to show in what sense we may regard the House as an institutionalized organ of government. Not all the necessary work has been done on this rather difficult descriptive problem, as I shall indicate. Secondly, I shall offer a number of speculative observations about causes, consequences, and possible lessons to be draw from the institutionalization of the House.


2012 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher L. Anderson

Even though political parties maintain control of presidential nominations, little is known about what leads individual party members to participate in the process. Party elites have a collective incentive to nominate an electorally viable and ideologically unifying candidate, and they also have personal, strategic incentives that may foster or prevent their participation in the nominating process. Using endorsement data on a subset of party elites—members of the U.S. House of Representatives—this article finds that individual members of the extended party are strategic with their decision to participate in or abstain from the nomination process.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Feldman ◽  
Peter Bull

Affiliative response invitations were analysed in 38 speeches delivered during the 2009 Japanese general election by 18 candidates for the House of Representatives (the lower house of the National Diet of Japan). The results clearly replicated those reported by Bull and Feldman (2011) in their analysis of the 2005 Japanese general election. Highly significant correlations were found between the two studies not only for the overall pattern of affiliative responses, but also for each type of response (applause, laughter and cheering). In both studies, over 70% of affiliative responses occurred in response to explicit invitations from the speaker. This contrasts with British political meetings, where applause occurs principally in response to implicit rhetorical devices. However, the candidates’ electoral success showed no significant correlations either with overall affiliative response rate, or with rates for applause, laughter or cheering. It is proposed that the prime function of affiliative response invitations at these meetings is not so much to win votes as to give the audience the opportunity to express their support both for the candidates and for the political parties they represent.


1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby

Most people who study politics are in general agreement, it seems to me, on at least two propositions. First, we agree that for a political system to be viable, for it to succeed in performing tasks of authoritative resource allocation, problem solving, conflict settlement, and so on, in behalf of a population of any substantial size, it must be institutionalized. That is to say, organizations must be created and sustained that are specialized to political activity. Otherwise, the political system is likely to be unstable, weak, and incapable of servicing the demands or protecting the interests of its constituent groups. Secondly, it is generally agreed that for a political system to be in some sense free and democratic, means must be found for institutionalizing representativeness with all the diversity that this implies, and for legitimizing yet at the same time containing political opposition within the system.


Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-85
Author(s):  
Susan Chira

Donald Trump's surprise win in 2016 galvanized once-politically quiescent women and jolted those who had believed second-wave feminist victories were enduring. This “resistance” drew on two potent forces: the passion of the newly awakened, primarily grassroots participants; and the organizing experience of professionals and institutions determined to channel that passion into sustainable electoral and policy gains. The movement expanded beyond the political to encompass the social and cultural spheres and gave women of color a place in the spotlight. As women ran for national, state, and local office in record numbers, the #MeToo movement toppled men who once harassed with impunity. Record numbers of women won in the 2018 midterms, retaking the U.S. House of Representatives for the Democrats, and six women declared their candidacy for president in 2020. But it remains unclear whether these gains will be lasting and overcome remaining ambivalence about women and power.


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