scholarly journals Do UK Universities Care about Hedgehogs More Than People of Colour?

Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Leon Moosavi

This article asks whether UK universities care about hedgehogs more than they care about people of colour. This absurd question is based on an analysis which shows that UK universities have had much greater engagement with the Hedgehog Friendly Campus initiative than the Race Equality Charter. A comparison with UK universities’ Athena Swan accreditation also highlights that UK universities appear to have taken much more action in tackling gender inequality than racial inequality. This article is purposefully concise to emphasise the need for more action and less discussion in achieving racial equality in UK universities.

Author(s):  
Andrew Valls

American society continues to be characterized by deep racial inequality that is a legacy of slavery and Jim Crow. What does justice demand in response? In this book, Andrew Valls argues that justice demands quite a lot—the United States has yet to fully reckon with its racial past, or to confront its ongoing legacies. Valls argues that liberal values and principles have far-reaching implications in the context of the deep injustices along racial lines in American society. In successive chapters, the book takes on such controversial issues as reparations, memorialization, the fate of black institutions and communities, affirmative action, residential segregation, the relation between racial inequality and the criminal justice system, and the intersection of race and public schools. In all of these contexts, Valls argues that liberal values of liberty and equality require profound changes in public policy and institutional arrangements in order to advance the cause of racial equality. Racial inequality will not go away on its own, Valls argues, and past and present injustices create an obligation to address it. But we must rethink some of the fundamental assumptions that shape mainstream approaches to the problem, particularly those that rely on integration as the primary route to racial equality.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Zoltán I. Búzás

Abstract Formal racial equality is a key aspect of the current Liberal International Order (LIO). It is subject to two main challenges: resurgent racial nationalism and substantive racial inequality. Combining work in International Relations with interdisciplinary studies on race, I submit that these challenges are the latest iteration of struggles between two transnational coalitions over the LIO's central racial provisions, which I call racial diversity regimes (RDRs). The traditional coalition has historically favored RDRs based on racial inequality and racial nationalism. The transformative coalition has favored RDRs based on racial equality and nonracial nationalism. I illustrate the argument by tracing the development of the liberal order's RDR as a function of intercoalitional struggles from one based on racial nationalism and inequality in 1919 to the current regime based on nonracial nationalism and limited equality. Today, racial nationalists belong to the traditional coalition and critics of racial inequality are part of the transformative coalition. The stakes of their struggles are high because they will determine whether we will live in a more racist or a more antiracist world. This article articulates a comprehensive framework that places race at the heart of the liberal order, offers the novel concept of “embedded racism” to capture how sovereignty shields domestic racism from foreign interference, and proposes an agenda for mainstream International Relations that takes race seriously.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 270
Author(s):  
Phillip Hutchison

<p><em>The life of the first Justice Harlan has been the subject of myriad studies, largely inspired by his declaration “Our Constitution is color-blind,” which appeared in his storied dissent in </em>Plessy v. Ferguson<em>. This article interrogates unaddressed angles of his dissent that, when given proper attention, can deliver fruitful insights into his intentions behind the colorblind metaphor. The focus is primarily trained upon Harlan’s concept of the “race line,” which he referenced twice in his dissent. Placing this “race line” up against the colorblind Constitution will reveal that he purposed to keep whites educationally and financially dominant “for all time” by means of (colorblind) legal racial equality. The article delves further into the race line by juxtaposing it with W.E.B. Du Bois’s notion of the “color line,” which was voiced at the same moment of </em>Plessy<em>.</em></p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desmond King

Why, many Americans rightly ask, can material racial inequality and widespread segregation still persist 50 years after the enactment of key civil rights legislation and eight years after the election of an African American to the nation’s highest office? Many from outside the US pose similar questions about modern America. The explanation, I argue, lies with inconsistent and fluctuating levels of federal engagement to building material racial equality. National engagement fluctuates because it is energetically resisted and challenged by opponents of racial progress. This vulnerability to disruption is exposed by varying strategies of resistance, some fiscal, some violent, some judicial, some desultory and some combining violent protest against change with local electoral triumphs for anti-reformers. Public resistance to employing national resources to reduce inequality encouraged a de-racialization strategy amongst many African American candidates for elected office who opt to de-emphasize issues of racial inequality in campaigns and in office. Whatever the means, the effect is uniform: the slowing down or outright death of federal civil rights activism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zeni Xavier Siqueira dos Santos

<p><strong>Public policies to promote racial equality in the municipality of Caçapava do Sul / RS: analysis of the socioeconomic situation of the black population of the municipality (2000-2010)</strong></p><p><strong>RESUMO: </strong>O presente trabalho buscou verificar as políticas públicas que foram/estão sendo implementadas pela administração pública municipal de Caçapava do Sul/RS com a finalidade de promover igualdade racial e qual sua efetividade considerando os dados socioeconômicos do IBGE (2000-2010). Para isto, utilizou-se de uma abordagem metodológica qualitativa, descritiva, exploratória, utilizando pesquisa documental e coleta de dados. Dessa forma, verificou-se que, segundo os dados do IBGE (2010), 80% das pessoas negras tem rendimento mensal até 1 (um) salário mínimo e quanto aos dados relativos à educação formal, 74% da pessoas negras possui ensino fundamental incompleto ou não possuem qualquer instrução escolar. Ao realizar uma comparação da situação socioeconômica e escolaridade da população negra considerando o Censo IBGE (2000) e os atuais dados do Censo (2010), apurou-se que houve um aumento no percentual de pessoas negras que frequentavam ensino superior. Porém quanto à situação econômica da população negra, verificou-se uma redução no rendimento, apontando que hoje a população branca do município possui rendimentos 80% maior que a população autodeclarada preta. Ao realizar a análise da legislação do município de Caçapava do Sul/RS localizaram-se apenas cinco legislações com conteúdo relacionado à promoção de igualdade racial, sendo a legislação a mais relevante a Lei nº. 3957/18 que cria a Coordenadoria Municipal de Promoção da Igualdade Racial – COMPIR no município. Desse modo, verifica-se a necessidade da implementação e ampliação das políticas públicas de promoção de igualdade racial que visem conter o impacto que o racismo sob a população negra e reduzir a desigualdade racial, que se mostrou presente no município de Caçapava do Sul/RS segundo os dados socioeconômicos do IBGE (2000-2010).</p><p> </p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Racismo; Igualdade Racial; Políticas Públicas.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>ABSTRACT: </strong>The present work sought to verify the public policies for/are being implemented by the municipal public administration of Caçapava do Sul / RS with the purpose of promoting racial equality and its effectiveness considering the socioeconomic data of IBGE (2000-2010). For this, a qualitative, descriptive, exploratory methodological approach was used, using documentary research and data collection. According to data from the IBGE (2010), 80% of black people have a monthly income of up to 1 (one) minimum wage and 74% of black people have incomplete elementary education or do not have any school education. When comparing the socioeconomic situation and schooling of the black population considering the IBGE Census (2000) and the current Census data (2010), it was found that there was an increase in the percentage of black people who attended higher education. However, regarding the economic situation of the black population, there was a reduction in income, indicating that today the white population of the municipality has incomes 80% higher than the self-declared black population and 65% higher than the brown self-declared population. When analyzing the legislation of the municipality of Caçapava do Sul/RS were located only five laws with content related to the promotion of racial equality, the most relevant legislation being Law nº 3957/18 that creates the Municipal Coordination for the Promotion of Racial Equality - COMPIR in the municipality of Caçapava do Sul/RS. Thus, there is a need to implement and expand public policies to promote racial equality aimed at containing the impact of racism on the black population and reducing racial inequality, which was present in the municipality of Caçapava do Sul/ RS according to IBGE's socioeconomic data (2000-2010).</p><p><strong>KEYWORDS:</strong> Racism; Racial equality; Public policy.</p><p><strong>Data da submissão: 19/06/2019</strong><br /><strong>Data da aceitação: 04/05/2020</strong></p>


1993 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia A. Conrad

This article presents Atkinson indices of racial income inequality for 1954–1989. This approach permits the study of racial inequality and inequality in the overall distribution of income in a consistent framework. The Atkinson index shows that progress towards racial equality stopped much earlier than observation of mean income ratios would suggest and that most of the gains have been eroded.


Author(s):  
Desmond S. King ◽  
Rogers M. Smith

This chapter considers what makes racial equality in the American housing system such a divisive issue. Because housing choices profoundly affect people's personal lives and yet also have enormous public consequences for the structure of the nation as a whole, there arose concerns to make sure that America's housing systems are not systems of racial inequality. But the fact that housing is so central to Americans' personal lives is also a major reason why they have long been more resistant to efforts to end de facto segregation in this area than in any other, except the related one of public schools. Here they remain profoundly divided even on the desirability of strong enforcement of anti-discrimination policies aimed at making residential racial integration not only an attractive ideal but an everyday reality.


Author(s):  
Andrew Valls

The historical origins of present-day racial inequality suggest that it is a case of unrectified historical injustice. Patterns of segregation and inequality that characterized the Jim Crow era persist to this day and call for reparations in the form of public policies directed at achieving racial equality. Prominent liberal theories have difficulty framing this issue, and the author draws on the concept of “transitional justice” to provide the appropriate theoretical context. If one looks at the civil rights era as a regime transition, the case for black reparations becomes more compelling, and standard objections can be overcome.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 1117-1138
Author(s):  
DAVID R. SWARTZ

This article, which emphasizes the importance of transnational history, tracks the influence of E. Stanley Jones, a missionary to India in the early twentieth century, on evangelicals in the United States. It contends that global encounters pushed Jones to hold integrated ashrams, conduct evangelistic crusades, and participate in the Congress on Racial Equality. During his time abroad, he discovered that racial segregation at home hurt the causes of missions and democracy abroad. Using this Cold War logic, Jones in turn provoked American evangelicals to consider more fully questions of racial inequality.


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