scholarly journals The Trade Impact of EU Tariff Margins: An Empirical Assessment

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. 261
Author(s):  
Maria Cipollina ◽  
Luca Salvatici

This article provides an assessment of how the EU trade policies affect EU imports. The main contribution is that we compute a theoretically consistent measure of the EU tariff margin and estimate the elasticities of substitution at the sectoral level, using a structural gravity model that includes domestic trade flows. Our analysis is related to the most recent gravity literature and the identification strategy is based on the existence of a sufficient variation of the tariffs applied by the EU to different markets of origin. We use cross-section data (more than 5000 tariff lines and 188 exporters, including the EU28 Member States, in the year 2017), to obtain structural gravity estimates of trade substitution elasticities. Since tariffs greatly differ by product, an in-depth analysis should take place at the tariff line. Moreover, we use the information provided by the Eurostat Comext database on the tariff regime of imports, so we distinguish the Most Favored Nation (MFN) from the preferential trade flows. The estimated elasticities can be used to calculate the counterfactual change in total EU imports that would follow either from the removal of trade preferences or from the removal of trade policies.

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Cristina Di Stefano ◽  
P. Lelio Iapadre ◽  
Ilaria Salvati

This paper aims at investigating whether and how the intensity of trade between a pair of countries changes when they experience improvements in their infrastructural systems. We carry out our analysis considering countries participating in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a project specifically designed to promote infrastructural connectivity and therefore boost trade among the countries involved. Our empirical strategy relies on a particular specification of the gravity model, in which the dependent variable consists in an index of revealed trade preferences, calculated by comparing the actual value of trade flows between two countries with their expected value, proportional to the two countries’ total trade. Such methodology allows us to estimate bilateral trade intensity without resorting to the traditional “size” variables of the gravity model, taking the entire network of multilateral trade into account. We then study the possible impact of an improvement in infrastructure on a ‘gravity-adjusted’ measure of trade preferences, given by the residuals of our first estimations. Our results indicate that bilateral preferences among BRI countries will intensify inasmuch as they succeed in coordinating their infrastructural projects.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (75) ◽  
pp. 9-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan Flynn

Abstract This paper offers a critical interpretation of the EU’s recent Maritime Security Strategy (MSS) of 2014, making distinctions between hard and soft conceptions of maritime security. The theoretical approach employed invokes the ‘EU as neo-medieval empire’ (Bull 1977: 254-255; Rennger 2006; Zielonka 2006). By this account, the main objectives of EU maritime strategy are stability and encouragement of globalised maritime trade flows to be achieved using the classic instruments of ‘soft maritime security’. While replete with great possibilities, the EU’s maritime security strategy is likely to be a relatively weak maritime security regime, which suffers from a number of important limits.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 827-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana C. Mutz ◽  
Eunji Kim

AbstractUsing a population-based survey experiment, this study evaluates the role of in-group favoritism in influencing American attitudes toward international trade. By systematically altering which countries gain or lose from a given trade policy (Americans and/or people in trading partner countries), we vary the role that in-group favoritism should play in influencing preferences.Our results provide evidence of two distinct forms of in-group favoritism. The first, and least surprising, is that Americans value the well-being of other Americans more than that of people outside their own country. Rather than maximize total gains, Americans choose policies that maximize in-group well-being. This tendency is exacerbated by a sense of national superiority; Americans favor their national in-group to a greater extent if they perceive Americans to be more deserving.Second, high levels of perceived intergroup competition lead some Americans to prefer trade policies that benefit the in-group and hurt the out-group over policies that help both their own country and the trading partner country. For a policy to elicit support, it is important not only that the US benefits, but also that the trading partner country loses so that the US achieves a greater relative advantage. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding bipartisan public opposition to trade.


Author(s):  
Paola Corsinovi

AbstractAs alcoholic beverages play a significant role in social and economic contexts, the taxation of alcohol and its policy regulations are an inevitably complex matter. This note pays a small tribute to the great contribution made by Anderson (J Wine Econ 15(1):42–70, 2020), with a specific focus on the EU wine sector. This text is far from exhaustive but provides a starting block for a more in-depth analysis into this complex issue. Is wine a niche category within the alcoholic beverages sector? The question is provocative. This may be difficult and complex to answer, but this note provides some "food for thought".


Author(s):  
José Luis Placer Galán

<p>El notable crecimiento del comercio exterior de España en las últimas décadas también se ha producido en una economía tan orientada al mercado interior como la de la provincia de León. El objetivo de este trabajo es doble: averiguar la evolución del peso del comercio exterior en el conjunto de la actividad productiva leonesa, y el perfil sectorial de sus flujos comerciales durante el período 1995-2014.<br />El análisis realizado permite señalar que en los últimos veinte años la actividad productiva orientada a los mercados internacionales se ha duplicado, especialmente en los últimos cinco años. Por otra parte,  el perfil sectorial exportador ha variado notablemente pasando de ser mayoritariamente de productos químico-farmacéuticos y extractivos  a serlo actualmente de bienes de equipo eléctricos y de manufacturas metálicas. Sin embargo, las importaciones, que tienen un mayor grado de diversificación que las exportaciones, han mantenido un perfil sectorial similar en todo el período, concentrado en legumbres y, en menor medida, en bienes de equipo eléctricos y de manufacturas metálicas.</p><p>In the last decades foreign trade has experienced a significant growth both in Spain and Leon economies, whereas the latter has always been characterized by a strong focus on domestic trade. The goal of this paper is dual: find out the evolution of foreign trade importance within the whole productive activity in Leon and sector profile of its trade flows during the period from 1995 to 2014.<br />On the one hand, the analysis carried out highlights that productive activities focused on foreign trade have doubled in the last twenty years, especially in the recent five. On the other hand, export sectors have changed mainly, from exporting pharmaceutical chemistry products and extractors to currently exporting electrical equipment and metal assembly. However, import sectors that are more diversified than export, have maintained a similar sector profile during the full period analysed. Import sectors in Leon are mainly focused on legumes and in a smaller proportion on electrical appliance equipment and metal assembly.</p>


Author(s):  
Oliver Gerstenberg

At a first glance, to many observers the EU may appear to be an improbable illustration of the possibility of an extension of legitimacy and democratic justice beyond the state. In contemporary European constitutional debate constitutionalism and social democracy have become antagonists, with the survival of the one seeming to require sacrifice of the other. Authors in the tradition of ordoliberalism have celebrated the Europeanization process because it seemed to ultimately disconnect constitutionalism from democratic practice and to firmly entrench a logic of market evolution that marginalizes politics. Social democrats, by contrast, have come to believe that democracy can only flourish if the solidary politics of the nation retains its sovereignty against cosmopolitan, ‘constitutional’ intrusions from without. Proposals to deepen constitutional integration therefore give rise to the social-democratic objection. This chapter offers a stylized account of both views, which more or less mirror one another. This chapter then also provides an in-depth analysis of the CJEU’s jurisprudence in various domains regarding the efficacy of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU (CFREU) in European private law: employment law and unfair terms in consumer contracts in particular. The chapter concludes that, contrary to expectations and concerns about a constitutional asymmetry between economic freedoms and fundamental social rights, the CJEU has in fact in many cases raised the standard of protection beyond the standard envisaged by national legal orders, thereby unblocking development.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio Mereu

EU legislation on genetically modified organisms (GMOs) is the most stringent legislation governing the matter in the world, laying down strict conditions relating to labelling, traceability, threshold and release on the market. In light of a recent Commission proposal to amend Directive 2001/18, which currently regulates the release of GMOs on the European market, this article asks whether and on what basis such stringency is justified. This is done through an in depth analysis of the EU regulatory framework for GMOs while at the same time highlighting the multiple interests at stake (environmental, scientific, industrial, political, national and European).This article argues that the European institutions should proceed to amend Directive 2001/18 on the basis of a detailed examination of the benefits as well as the risks that GMOs present. This article, however, raises concern that the European regulatory framework will focus exclusively on the risks or on political concerns relating to GMOs instead, for it is a fear of GMOs that seems to permeate the system from top to bottom.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Clair Gammage

For the past decade the EU has been preparing to end its tradition of preferential and partially reciprocal trade with the African-Caribbean-Pacific (ACP) countries. With the expiry of trade preferences in 2007 under the Cotonou Agreement, these trade partners have agreed to negotiate Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) and trade on reciprocal terms, in a bid to preserve their special relationship. A Sustainability Impact Assessment (SIA) was commissioned by the EU to engage stakeholders in discussion about the real and potential challenges of the new trade regime facing ACP countries. This paper examines the participatory process of the EPA negotiations, in particular the Sustainability Impact Assessment, through the lens of country ownership and deliberative democracy. Discussion of the participation process will be twofold: analysing whether the issues raised in the public sphere are reflected in the CARIFORUM-EC EPA, and the extent to which the SIA is legitimised through public participation.


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