scholarly journals The Educational Implications of Populism, Emotions and Digital Hate Speech: A Dialogue with Scholars from Canada, Chile, Spain, the UK, and the US

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (15) ◽  
pp. 6034
Author(s):  
Marta Estellés ◽  
Jordi Castellví
Keyword(s):  
Hate Speech ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Democratic Citizenship Education ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
The Us ◽  
Educational Implications ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Educational Debate

The recent rise of authoritarian populism, fueled by the spread of digital hate speech and the preeminence of emotions in the political arena, has not aroused much interest among educational researchers. In response to this gap in the literature, the authors of the present article aim to provide an overview of the educational implications of the recent wave of authoritarian populism by interviewing a group of experts on democratic citizenship education from various countries and backgrounds. The dialogue resulting from their responses helps to move forward the educational debate on how schools can deal with the emotions and hate speech that motivate support for authoritarian populisms.

scholarly journals Changing the rules of the game: some necessary legal reforms to United Kingdom intelligence

2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-955 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN LEIGH
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Proceedings ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
The Us ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Rules Of The Game

AbstractThis article argues that there is a need to modernise the law governing accountability of the UK security and intelligence agencies following changes in their work in the last decade. Since 9/11 the agencies have come increasingly into the spotlight, especially because of the adoption of controversial counter-terrorism policies by the government (in particular forms of executive detention) and by its international partners, notably the US. The article discusses the options for reform in three specific areas: the use in legal proceedings of evidence obtained by interception of communications; with regard to the increased importance and scle of collaboration with overseas agencies; and to safeguard the political independence of the agencies in the light of their substantially higher public profile. In each it is argued that protection of human rights and the need for public accountability requires a new balance to be struck with the imperatives of national security.

Sources of Increasing Inequality

2021 ◽  
pp. 172-190
Author(s):  
Francis Teal
Keyword(s):  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Labour Markets ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor Countries ◽  
Unskilled Labour ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Rich Countries ◽  
The Impact

While all the evidence we have points to the rising living standards for most of the very poorest, the wages of unskilled labour in poor countries remain a fraction of those in rich countries. Those potential workers are seen as a threat to the living standards of the unskilled in rich countries and the political impetus to limit their access to those labour markets has been, and remains, one of the most potent issue in the politics of rich countries. This aversion to immigration as a threat to the wages of the unskilled often transmutes into a hostility to trade, as goods, which use a lot of unskilled labour, can be imported more cheaply. Both immigration and trade are seen as a threat to the unskilled. Two dimensions of this threat are examined in this chapter—the impact of Chinese exports on wages in the US and the impact of immigration on the UK economy.

scholarly journals How to boost the Western response to Russian hostile influence operations

European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-188
Author(s):  
Jakub Janda
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
The West ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Uk

The Russian Federation has become a rogue state in international relations, invading and occupying the territories of three European countries (Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine), waging war in the Ukrainian territory, producing massive disinformation campaigns against the West, threatening the Baltic republics, and interfering in various elections and referendums. Despite Russia’s aggressive behaviour, the West’s response to it has been significantly limited, particularly when it comes to non-military deterrence by Continental Europe. The US and the UK are leading the punishment of Russia’s aggression, while many countries, mainly in Western and Southern Europe, are hesitant to respond to this threat. This article makes recommendations as to what should be done in practical terms to boost the European portion of the Western response to Russian aggression from the political and policy points of view.

scholarly journals An analysis of the deinstitutionalization of inflation-adjusted accounting practices in Brazilian companies

2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (58) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
Amaury José Rezende ◽  
Reinaldo Guerreiro ◽  
Flávia Zóboli Dalmácio
Keyword(s):  
Social Action ◽  
Research Strategy ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
Theoretical Assumptions ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Political Character ◽  
One Way Anova ◽  
Sociological Interpretation

This article aims to analyze the deinstitutionalization of the inflation-adjustment accounting practices used by large Brazilian companies. The theoretical assumptions used were based on institutional theory, which provides a sociological interpretation of human behavior that recognizes the phenomenon of limited rationality and the political character of social action. Analyses were based on the empirical approach that was proposed by Oliver (1992). The research strategy consisted of questionnaires and interviews conducted in a population of 118 large Brazilian companies from Exame Magazine's list of the 500 largest companies. The primary respondents were accountants and controllers. Factor analysis, one-way ANOVA and the Kruskal-Wallis test were conducted using the approach proposed by Oliver (1992), and the research included 22 variables comprising 12 constructs and 6 qualitative hypotheses regarding the pressures that motivate the deinstitutionalization of inflation-adjusted accounting practices. Therefore, with regard to the constructs assessed, emphasis was placed on identifying the political pressures (the environment) and the functional pressures in both the organizational and environmental dimensions. However, the social pressures did not prove to be significant. We conclude that the process of deinstitutionalization results from a distinct combination of institutional factors, and these results are consistent with the findings from research conducted in the US market and in the UK.

scholarly journals The Political as Presence: On Agonism in Citizenship Education

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 252-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ásgeir Tryggvason
Keyword(s):  
Citizenship Education ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Democratic Citizenship Education ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Political Emotions ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
Political Disputes

In recent years, an agonistic approach to citizenship education has been put forward as a way of educating democratic citizens. Claudia W. Ruitenberg (2009) has developed such an approach and takes her starting point in Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory. Ruitenberg highlights how political emotions and political disputes can be seen as central for a vibrant democratic citizenship education. The aim of this paper is to critically explore and further develop the concepts of political emotions and political disputes as central components of an agonistic approach. In order to do this, I return to Mouffe’s point of departure in the concept of the political. By drawing on Michael Marder’s (2010) notion of enmity, I suggest how “the presence of the other” can be seen as a vital aspect of the political in citizenship education. By not abandoning the concept of enmity, and with the notion of presence in the foreground, I argue that Ruitenberg’s definition of political emotions needs to be formulated in a way that includes emotions revolving around one’s own existence as a political being. Moreover, I argue that in order to further develop the agonistic approach, the emphasis on the verbalization of opinions in political disputes needs to be relaxed, as it limits the political dimension in education and excludes crucial political practices, such as exodus.

scholarly journals The Nature of the Political Interaction between Israel and Saudi Arabia in the 21st Century

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Roman Vladimirovich Penkovtsev ◽  
Timur Vasilevich Gafurov ◽  
Natalia Aleksandrovna Shibanova
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Practical Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Programs ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Political Interaction ◽  
The Us

This paper considers the issue of interaction between two states, which are largely political antagonists: Israel and Saudi Arabia. The nature of the interaction between these states on the world political arena is of serious scientific and practical interest. Contrary to popular stereotypes, Israel maintains relations with many countries of the Arab world, and Saudi Arabia is no exception. It should be noted that a certain rapprochement of positions between these states occurred due to the activation on the geopolitical map of the Middle East of such an actor as Iran, which in the 21st century energetically implements its nuclear program, accelerates economic development programs, and is generally focused on strengthening its role and places in the international arena. The US position represented by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump influenced to a large extent the process of intensifying interaction between Israel and Saudi Arabia, which stimulated the rapprochement of the positions of these two states on the “Syrian” and “Iranian” problems. In addition, it is worth paying attention to the establishment of similar positions between Israel and Saudi Arabia on the "Palestinian issue. "

Politicians, Security Politics and the Political Game

2019 ◽  
pp. 115-160
Author(s):  
Andrew W. Neal
Keyword(s):  
Military Intervention ◽  
Pierre Bourdieu ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Research Interviews ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Drawing on research interviews with politicians, including three former cabinet ministers and a former member of the UK Intelligence and Security Committee, this chapter describes the historical ‘rules of the game’ of security politics and how they are being challenged. It explores two angles: the problematisations expressed by politicians themselves, and a broader analysis of the structured power relationships in which they are enmeshed. It examines what happens within the ‘arena’ of ‘normal politics’ as it relates to security and why: certain formal and informal ‘rules’, conventions, norms, and power structures have worked to reproduce the institutional and symbolic dominance of the state and marginalised most actors in the political arena. Using concepts from Pierre Bourdieu, it analyses how non-government politicians have helped to reproduce their own marginalisation through practices of deference and self-exclusion. The final part argues that the old ‘rules’ and conventions of security politics have not entirely disappeared but are changing. It discusses how parliamentary debates on Iraqi WMD in 2003 and military intervention in Syria in 2013 show that non-government politicians are increasingly questioning, resisting, and rejecting the old conventions of security, such as deference to the executive on intelligence assessments.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Jeremy Green
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cooperative Partnership ◽  
Independent States ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Political Economic

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the close postwar association between the United Kingdom and the United States, which is known by a single mnemonic: the “Special Relationship.” It refers to an unusually close and cooperative partnership between two independent states, encompassing diplomatic, military-strategic, political, economic, and cultural spheres. For the UK, the Special Relationship has offered a means to preserve great-power status even though its capacity for unilateral action in pursuit of foreign policy objectives is greatly diminished. For the US, the UK's possession of nuclear weapons, access to political and military intelligence, and position on the United Nations Security Council are valuable appendages. Despite the occasional spat and periods of cooling, diplomatic relations between the two states have remained extraordinarily close. But for all that the concept of the Special Relationship has illuminated, it has also obscured much—for example, the political economy of Anglo-America, buried beneath more fashionable scholarly preoccupations with diplomacy, grand strategy, and the cultural and sentimental linkages between the two states. Thus, this book examines the political economy of the relationship between the UK and the US.

Making states and breaking states: Kosovo and the Caucasus in 2008: Introduction

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 657-660
Author(s):  
Ronald Grigor Suny ◽  
Vicken Cheterian
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Federal States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Rules Set

Two events in 2008 shaped the political map of the Caucasus: the West's decision on the independence of Kosovo and the Russo-Georgian War. First, on 17 February, Kosovo authorities unilaterally declared the independence of what was at the time a UN protectorate. This declaration enjoyed much support in the West, including near-immediate recognition by key states such as the US, Germany, France, the UK, and a dozen others. But it also faced strong opposition from Serbia and Russia and strong skepticism from prowestern countries such as Georgia. Russia opposed not only the Kosovo declaration itself but more importantly the western adoption of it. From the Russian perspective, by supporting Kosovo's accession to sovereignty western states were violating the rules set at the moment of collapse of the federal states of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union: to invite the former union republics to join the international clubs of sovereign states, but not extend such invitation to any other sub-units. In other words, Azerbaijan, Croatia, Kazakhstan, and Russia became members of the United Nations, but sub-entities like Chechnya, Kosovo, or Tatarstan did not receive the same recognition.

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