Role and Place of Great Britain in the Iraqi State Establishment and the Kurdish Problem Solution (1918-1941)

2020 ◽  
pp. 25 (80)-35 (88)
Author(s):  
Anna Igorevna Filimonova ◽  
Natalya Nikolaevna Sulyaeva

The article reveals the problem of the Middle East in general and in particular that of the Persian Gulf and Iraq. The abundant oil reserves and advantageous geographical location motivated Great Britain to initiate the military, diplomatic, and political intervention into the Kurdish issue. The authors display it was London that laid the “time bomb” by initially supporting and subsequently rejecting the idea of an autonomous/independent Kurdistan establishment. Since then, the Kurdish national question has become a manipulation object and tool for external forces. The information in the article can be useful in preparing for lectures and hands-on in International Relations, Political Science. English version of the article is available on pp. 80-88 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/role-and-place-of-great-britain-in-the-iraqi-state-establishment-and-the-kurdish-problem-solution-1918-1941/66561.html

Author(s):  
V. Herhiieva

The article examines two antagonistic theories of international relations – neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism using the case of Iran's nuclear policy. The author compares the approaches of neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists to the problem of nuclear proliferation and analyzes how these approaches can explain the evolution of Iran's military nuclear program. Iran is a country with significant energy resources, namely second place after Saudi Arabia in terms of oil reserves and second in terms of natural gas reserves after Russia; Iran also has a unique geographical location in such regions as the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Also, a certain policy of Iran is formed on the basis of the Shiite branch of Islam, which already distinguishes this country, given the particularly unfavorable historical conditions under which the Shiite Islam was formed and the events of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 and the Iran-Iraq War of 1980–1988, when Iran faced Iraq alone and use of chemical weapons by Iraq, which deepened Iranian isolation thoughts. The fact that there has been no international response to Iraq's use of chemical weapons has heightened Iran's sense of isolation. This experience was certainly imprinted in the Iranian national psyche and caused even greater distrust in international arms control treaties. Relations with the United States in Iran are extremely tense and unstable, depending on the US administration and the political situation in Iran, as Iran has traditionally maneuvered between radical conservatives and more moderate politicians. The US elections in 2020 and the elections in Iran in 2021 will be an important stage in the further development of relations and the fate of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The article examines the extent to which the theoretical considerations of proponents of theories of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism are reflected in Iran's practical nuclear policy and what impact these two theories may have on the future nuclear strategy of the Iranian leadership.


2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Lance L P GORE

The new foreign policy team is more professional and with an Asian focus than its older counterpart. Although still fragmented, it may have stronger leadership and better coordination. This is critically important because China is at a defining moment as to its international role. Xi Jinping's closer ties with the military and his hands-on style may encourage assertive nationalism and more active role of the military in foreign affairs.


2008 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robbie Totten

An examination of U.S. immigration policy during the early Republic from a security perspective—a common analytical focus within the field of international relations—reveals the inadequacy of traditional economic and ideological interpretations. Security concerns, based on actual threats from Great Britain and Spain, permeated the arguments both for and against immigration. Those in favor of immigration hoped to strengthen the nation, primarily by providing soldiers and money for the military; those opposed to immigration feared that it would compromise national security by causing domestic unrest and exposing the new nation to espionage and terrorism. These issues are not unlike those that beset contemporary policymakers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 01 (05) ◽  
pp. 102-110
Author(s):  
R.R. Marchenkov ◽  

This article covers the internal features of the British officer corps before and during the Second World War. The author touches upon the issues of social composition and ways of recruiting officers. The article describes the dynamics of transformation processes in this category of the military segment in war.


Author(s):  
David P. Auerswald ◽  
Stephen M. Saideman

This chapter looks at two countries, Australia and New Zealand, that are partners with but not members of NATO. Australia and New Zealand have British-style political institutions, with the key decisions made by the prime minister and his or her minister of defense. The chapter then assesses whether membership in NATO makes a difference. It argues that non-membership can actually be a shield that countries use to deflect harder choices and more responsibilities. Otherwise, the domestic dynamics work like they do in Great Britain or Canada, demonstrating that the military constraints imposed by nations are driven far more by domestic politics than by NATO institutions.


1954 ◽  
Vol 58 (519) ◽  
pp. 208-210
Author(s):  
William Courtenay

The largest air transport at present operating on air routes is the Douglas Globemaster which is able to lift up to 130 passengers and a considerable load of mail and freight. Experience of flying Globemasters many times on the military route between Seoul City Airport (Korea) and Tashekawa Air Force Base (near Tokyo) suggests the following observations. They may be of value to those aircraft manufacturers in Great Britain now building 130/150 seater jet air liners and to British Overseas Airways Corporation and other air lines who will be concerned with operating them, possibly by 1960.


1985 ◽  
Vol 1985 (1) ◽  
pp. 631-634
Author(s):  
Carlos Sordelli ◽  
Nelson Garcia

ABSTRACT This paper describes the development of an oil spill training program for the Venezuelan National Oil Spill Contingency Plan. The courses in the program will be offered to the different personnel levels of the Venezuelan oil industry which will be assigned to the national, regional, and local response teams. Training details will vary with the type of oil installation (drilling platform, refinery, terminal, etc.), the geographical location (Lake Maracaibo, mangroves, coral islands, etc.), the type of organization (regional, local, etc.), and the level of the personnel involved (supervisory, operational, etc.). The course objective will be to train 200 individuals a year from the Venezuelan oil industry, and will be open to other non-industry organizations with involvement in the National Contingency Plan (such as the armed forces, and transportation and environmental agencies). The program emphasizes practical hands-on training using the containment, cleanup, and dispersant applications equipment acquired for the national plan. The courses also will give the participants practical experience in other pertinent aspects such as: legal, organizational, reporting, and use of decision support aids available to the plan. The program also includes at the end of the year an exercise/drill which will be hosted by the regional areas in order to review the previous instructions and/or detect operational problems in the current national plan.


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