Overview of Ghana’s Export and Import, FDI inflow and outflow: Is there any connection between its trading partners and foreign investing countries?

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Evans Yeboah ◽  
Yu Jing ◽  
Anning Lucy

Foreign direct investment inflows and outflows, export and import are seen as some of the major factors for transforming a country’s economic growth and development. This paper provides and evaluates literature review on importation and exportation alongside inward and outward FDI in Ghana. By considering some selected countries such as China, India, the United States of America, and the United Kingdom in determining whether there is some sort of connection between Ghana’s trading partners and investing countries in its economy by the use of the quantitative method. The results show that Ghana’s export values have improved rapidly over the past years with a continuous decrease in its imports. The outcome further proves that, at the initial level, export from Ghana to China, India, the US, and the UK were of lower values and with much effort by the Ghana government to control the balance of trade deficit from these major trading partners is in the process of achieving the goal, as the country has been experiencing balance of trade surplus from China and India except in the situation the US, and the UK. It was also revealed that China, India, the US, and the UK are not only major trading partners but also among the top investing nations in Ghana. It is suggested that Ghana should increase its outward FDI and also encourages its multinational companies to embark on cross-border investment.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 64-77
Author(s):  
Evans Yeboah ◽  
Yu Jing ◽  
Anning Lucy

Foreign direct investment inflows and outflows, export and import are seen as some of the major factors for transforming a country’s economic growth and development. This paper provides and evaluate literature review on importation and exportation alongside inward and outward FDI in Ghana. By considering some selected countries such China, India, the United States of America, and the United Kingdom in determining whether there is some sort of connection between Ghana’s trading partners and investing countries in its economy by the use of quantitative method. The results show that Ghana’s export values have improved rapidly over the past years with a continuous decrease in its imports. The outcome further proves that, at the initial level, export from Ghana to China, India, US and UK were of lower values and with much effort by the Ghana government to control the balance of trade deficit from these major trading partners is in the process of achieving the goal, as the country has been experiencing balance of trade surplus from China and India except in the situation US and UK. It was also revealed that China, India, US and UK are not only major trading partners, but also top investing nations in Ghana. It is suggested Ghana should increase its outward FDI and also encourages its multinational companies to embark on cross-boarder investment.


Author(s):  
D.V. Shram ◽  

The article is devoted to the antimonopoly regulation of IT giants` activities. The author presents an overview of the main trends in foreign and Russian legislation in this area. The problems the antimonopoly regulation of digital markets faces are the following: the complexity of determining the criteria for the dominant position of economic entities in the digital economy and the criteria for assessing the economic concentration in the commodity digital markets; the identification and suppression of cartels; the relationship between competition law and intellectual property rights in the digital age. Some aspects of these problems are considered through the prism of the main trends in the antimonopoly policy in the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom and Russia. The investigation findings of the USA House of Representatives Antitrust Subcommittee against Apple, Google, Amazon and Facebook are presented. The author justifies the need to separate them, which requires the adoption of appropriate amendments to the antimonopoly legislation. The article analyzes the draft law of the European Commission on the regulation of digital markets – Digital Markets Act, reveals the criteria for classifying IT companies as «gatekeepers», and notes the specific approaches to antimonopoly regulation in the UK and the US. The article describes the concepts «digital platform» and «network effects», presented in the «fifth antimonopoly package of amendments», developed in 2018 by the Federal Antimonopoly Service of the Russian Federation, and gives an overview of the comments of the Ministry of Economic Development regarding these concepts wording in the text of the draft law, which formed the basis for the negative conclusion of the regulator. It is concluded that in the context of the digital markets’ globalization, there is a need for the international legal nature antitrust norms formation, since regional legislation obviously cannot cope with the monopolistic activities of IT giants.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M McCourt

Abstract Optimism about China's rise has in recent years given way to deep concern in the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. Drawing on an original set of interviews with China experts from each country, and an array of primary and secondary sources, I show that shifting framings of China's rise reflect the dynamics of the US, Australian and UK national security fields. The article highlights three features specifically: first, the US field features a belief that China's rise can be arrested or prevented, absent in Australia and the UK. I root this dynamic in the system of professional appointments and the intense US ‘marketplace of ideas’, which gives rise to intense framing contestation and occasional sharp frame change. I then identify the key positions produced by each field, from which key actors have shaped the differing interpretations of China and its meaning. The election of Donald Trump, a strong China-critic, to the US presidency empowered key individuals across government who shifted the predominant framing of China from potential challenger to current threat. The smaller and more centralized fields in Australia and Britain feature fewer and less intense China-sceptical voices; responses have thereby remained largely pragmatic, despite worsening diplomatic relations in each case.


Author(s):  
Devin Cowan ◽  
Kristen M. Zgoba ◽  
Rob T. Guerette ◽  
Jill S. Levenson

Much attention has been paid to the examination of community sentiment regarding convicted sex offenders and the policy that governs these offenders’ behavior. This literature, however, has largely been absent of international comparisons of sex offender community sentiment. The current study seeks to fill this gap by drawing from the results of surveys ( n = 333) conducted in both the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK). Results indicate that sex offender policy is generally supported in both the US and the UK. Contrary to our expectations, we found that participants from the UK were less tolerant of sex offenders residing in their neighborhoods than participants from the US. Additionally, there is support for the notion that sex offender policy holds a symbolic value for both study locations. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.


1992 ◽  
Vol 161 (5) ◽  
pp. 589-593 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Raftery

Mental health services are of interest not only because of the large burden they impose, but also because they have been subject to more change than virtually any other type of health service over the past four decades. Although both the US and UK have taken to ‘deinstitutionalisation’ with enthusiasm, the US has so far proceeded somewhat further down that road than the UK. While both countries face similar problems, the NHS and Community Care Act 1990 may now lead to considerable further changes in the UK.


Author(s):  
Ebenezer Oloyede ◽  
Cecilia Casetta ◽  
Olubanke Dzahini ◽  
Aviv Segev ◽  
Fiona Gaughran ◽  
...  

Abstract Background and Aims In the United Kingdom, patients on clozapine whose hematological parameters fall below certain thresholds are placed on the Central Non-Rechallenge Database (CNRD), meaning that they cannot be prescribed clozapine again except under exceptional circumstances. This practice was discontinued in the United States in 2015 by expanding the hematological monitoring guidelines, allowing more patients to receive clozapine. Our objective was to investigate the implications this policy change would have on clozapine utilization in the United Kingdom. Methods This was an observational, retrospective analysis of patients registered on the CNRD in a large mental health trust. The first objective was to compare the number of patients placed on the CNRD under the United Kingdom and the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) criteria. The second objective was to explore the hematological and clinical outcomes of CNRD patients. The third objective was to investigate the hematological outcomes of patients rechallenged on clozapine after nonrechallengeable status. Results One hundred and fifteen patients were placed on CNRD from 2002 to 2019, of whom 7 (6%) met the equivalent criteria for clozapine discontinuation under the FDA guidelines. Clinical outcomes, as measured by the Clinical Global Impression-Severity scale, were worse 3 months after clozapine cessation than on clozapine (t = −7.4862; P < .001). Sixty-two (54%) patients placed on CNRD were rechallenged. Fifty-nine of those (95%) were successfully rechallenged; 3 patients were placed back on CNRD, only one of which would have had to stop clozapine again under FDA criteria. Conclusion Implementation of the updated FDA’s monitoring criteria in the United Kingdom would significantly reduce clozapine discontinuation due to hematological reasons. The evidence suggests an urgent need for revising the UK clozapine monitoring guidelines to improve outcomes in treatment-resistant schizophrenia.


Author(s):  
S. S. DMITRIEV

The article explores the Trump administration’s trade policy,  characterized by: attempts to rewrite the rules of international trade  according to the regulations established by the American side, “skepticism” with respect to the international regulatory  institutions of foreign trade, a course on the renegotiation of the  existing agreements. In a relationship with a number of countries,  manifestations of “ultimatizm” – the desire to negotiate with them from a position of strength are becoming increasingly evident.  Relapses of economic isolationism under the slogan “Restore the Greatness of America” periodically are being transformed into  concrete protectionist actions. The number of imposed import restrictions is growing, and their arsenal is expanding. It is  concluded, that tightening of the market access to the domestic  market for foreign suppliers is unlikely to lead to a significant  reduction in the US trade deficit. Bet on abandoning multilateral  arrangements in favor of bilateral trade agreements, conscious  downplaying of the role and importance of the WTO and other  international institutions can also be counterproductive. Focus on  dominance in the sphere of foreign economic activity apparently will remain the main direction of Trump trade policy until the end of the  term of his administration. However, under pressure from competitors, and because of the lack of real allies, the United States  will be forced to demonstrate greater flexibility and pragmatism, the  propensity to compromise and to establishment of temporary or  permanent blocs with their main trading partners. The idea of  “normality”, refraining from populism, will gradually begin to return  to the trade policy of this country. If, however the Trump  government will continue to act in isolation, without taking into  account the opinion of the world community, an increasing number  of partners of the United States will perceive it not as a leader, but as a violator of the rules of international trade. Under certain  circumstances, such a policy can provoke local and global trade  conflicts. In addition, the United States not necessarily will have to be the winner in them.


2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Sam Middlemiss

While numerous articles have now been written on the age regulations 1 they tend to concentrate on the broad detail of the Regulations and their likely impact in the United Kingdom, whereas this article, while also involving analysis of the legal rules, concentrates on one aspect of the Regulations namely, age harassment. It will also involve consideration of the equivalent law in the United States because they have a much more mature set of legal rules dealing with this type of activity. The difficulty of making such a comparison is that the legal rules in the two jurisdictions are very different and the UK version is much more favourable than its US counterpart. Nevertheless, it is this writer’s view that identifying the various problems that have arisen in the US with implementing their age legislation in respect of age harassment over almost forty years 2 will prove instructive and valuable to those persons required to comply with the new law in the UK and offer valuable insight into the legal treatment of this issue.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Katharine Gelber

Abstract While it has become accepted that norms can act in institution-like ways, a highly valued norm that has not been examined is free speech. Can free speech be conceptualised as acting in institution-like ways? If it can, what does this illuminate about processes of policy change? I analyse policy change between 2001 and 2011 in the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, a period during which significant new limits were introduced on free speech in relation to national security. In addition to showing how free speech acted in institution-like ways, the analysis suggests three implications: norms can both act in institution-like ways and be subject to change in interaction with other institutions; a broad, cultural level institution can mask policy change at the narrow, rule-based level even where the latter contradicts the former; and complexity and variation in speech regulation can be understood as consequences of the to-be-expected variability in the institutionalisation of a norm.


Ekonomika ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-115
Author(s):  
Ugur Korkut Pata

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on economic policy uncertainty in the US and the UK. The impact of the increase in COVID-19 cases and deaths in the country and the increase in the number of cases and deaths outside the country may vary. To examine this, the study employs the bootstrap ARDL cointegration approach from March 8, 2020 to May 24, 2020. According to the bootstrap ARDL results, a long-run equilibrium relationship is confirmed for five out of the ten models. The long-term coefficients obtained from the ARDL models suggest that an increase in COVID-19 cases and deaths outside of the UK and the US has a significant effect on economic policy uncertainty. The US is more affected by the increase in the number of COVID-19 cases. The UK, on the other hand, is more negatively affected by the increase in the number of COVID-19 deaths outside the country than the increase in the number of cases. Moreover, another significant finding from the study demonstrates that COVID-19 is a factor of great uncertainty for both countries in the short-term.


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