scholarly journals Geopolitical Dynamics of the Persian Gulf and Central Asia in the US Global Policy

Author(s):  
Enayatollah Yazdani

The demise of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar system affected the geopolitics of the glob. One of the main features of the new world system is the importance of the world economy; accordingly, any power that dominates the Persian Gulf, with its enormous energy resources, would dominate the world. Yet, Central Asia, with its energy resources and strategic location, has attracted the powers attention. Under the new circumstances, the United States has tried to play an influential role in both regions. Here the main question is: which region is more important in US foreign policy, the Persian Gulf, or Central Asia? The paper concludes although Central Asia has a special role in US global policy, particularly after the 9/11 events, the Persian Gulf, for its greater amount of energy and crucial geopolitical position, as a new “heartland” or “center of the center” contains long-identified vital US national interests and security more than any other region.

1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 110-112
Author(s):  
Michael D. Berdine

Steve A. Yetiv, an assistant professor of political science at Old DominionUniversity in Virginia and a research affiliate at the Center for Middle EasternStudies at Harvard University, has written a most interesting book on what hecalls the "third-party dimension in world politics." Based on his doctoral dissertation, Yetiv’s thesis, which at first glance seems a simple and natural way toview the cause-and-effect relationships of historical events and conflicts, is farmore complex. No “domino theory,” which focuses on the primary actors, thethird-party dimension in world politics, as its name implies, focuses on the“third-party” actor, or actors, vis-8-vis events on the world stage.Primarily concerned with how conflict in the Persian Gulf area in the late1970’s, 1980’s and early 1990’s affected the United States’ position in theMiddle East, America and the Persian Gulf generally examines the third-partysituation and, in particular, how its position changes-for better or worse-as aresult of the actions of the main participants and other third parties who areactive or passive participants in diplomatic crises, conflicts, and revolutions.Furthermore, in emphasizing its importance, Professor Yetiv writes that byexamining “the conditions under which the third party is weakened or strengthenedby conflict. . . we may learn more about the utility of statecraft, the politicsof rapidly changing conflictual regions of the world, conflict processes andoutcomes, and conflict avoidance and resolution.” He goes on to state that “thestudy of the third party will tell us something about the third party itself be it astate, an international organization, or some other actor in world politics.” Lastbut not least, it “can also inform us about the context in which the third partyplays a role, the long-term role of the third party in that context, other contextswhich the third party affects, and the nature and impact of conflict in general”(p. 158).


Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (12) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
George W. Ball

For America in the fall of 1979 the strategic center of the world is the Persian Gulf, and I shall discuss the effect of Middle Eastern developments on the security of that area. Certainly, nothing that has occurred within the past few months is reassuring. Iran is ruled by a regime—one can hardly call it a government—that practices an indigenous form of fascism with a medieval Islamic overlay. Its basic outlook is xenophobic; it opposes Western concepts of progress and, therefore, the West itself—and particularly the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (40) ◽  
pp. 37-38
Author(s):  
Andrew Wilson

Iran's geography gives it an important place in the world. To the west lie Turkey, Iraq and Syria. South is Arabia and the Persian Gulf. To the southeast is the Indian subcontinent. To the north are Russia and the Caucasus. To the northeast lie the developing states of Central Asia. To the east, Afghanistan and China.


Author(s):  
Zahra R. Babar

The six oil monarchies of the Persian Gulf together form one of the most concentrated global sites of international labor migration, with some of the highest densities of non-citizens to citizens seen anywhere in the world. A somewhat unique feature of the region is that while it hosts millions of migrants, it allows almost no access to permanent settlement. Gulf States have hosted large cohorts of migrants for more than half a century but have done so without efforts toward formal integration through citizenship. Although labor migration as a phenomenon is both permanent and prominent, the Gulf States’ mechanism for governing migration systematically reinforces the temporariness and transience of their migrant populations.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 226-230

The Security Council discussed this question at its 1022nd–1025th meetings, on October 23–25, 1962. It had before it a letter dated October 22, 1962, from the permanent representative of the United States, in which it was stated that the establishment of missile bases in Cuba constituted a grave threat to the peace and security of the world; a letter of the same date from the permanent representative of Cuba, claiming that the United States naval blockade of Cuba constituted an act of war; and a letter also dated October 22 from the deputy permanent representative of the Soviet Union, emphasizing that Soviet assistance to Cuba was exclusively designed to improve Cuba's defensive capacity and that the United States government had committed a provocative act and an unprecedented violation of international law in its blockade.


2012 ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
AKM Iftekharul Islam

A significant geopolitical consequence of the demise of the Soviet Union1 in the international arena is the rise of intense political and commercial competition for control of the vast energy resources of the newly independent and vulnerable states of the Caucasus and Central Asia. These energy resources and, in particular, the oil and natural gas deposits have now become the apple of discord in Central Asia introducing a new chapter in the Great Game of control over Eurasia (Hill 1997: 200). The region has great energy potential and is strategically important. The United States has varied and at times competing interests in Central Asia. In the past few years, real and present dangers to the U.S. national security especially Islamist terrorism and threats to the energy supply, have affected the U.S. policy in Central Asia. The region, which includes the five post-Soviet states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, as well as Afghanistan and the Caspian basin, plays an important part in the U.S. global strategy in view of its proximity to Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Iran, and other key regional actors. No less important are its ethno-religious composition and vast deposits of oil, gas, coal, and uranium. Literally, the U.S. interests in Central Asia can be summarized in three simple words: security, energy, and democracy. Moreover, a key U.S. national security concern is the diversification of energy sources and the Caspian region is a significant alternative source of fossil fuels. In this article a critical analysis will be attempted on the U.S. policy and role in central Asia. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/afj.v4i0.12931 The Arts Faculty Journal Vol.4 July 2010-June 2011 pp.33-51


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Mediel Hove

This article evaluates the emergence of the new Cold War using the Syrian and Ukraine conflicts, among others. Incompatible interests between the United States (US) and Russia, short of open conflict, increased after the collapse of the former Soviet Union. This article argues that the struggle for dominance between the two superpowers, both in speeches and deed, to a greater degree resembles what the world once witnessed before the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991. It asserts that despite the US’ unfettered power, after the fall of the Soviet Union, it is now being checked by Russia in a Cold War fashion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


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