scholarly journals Formuła Schumanna na tle stosunku Francji do powojennego status quo w Europie

2011 ◽  
pp. 92-109
Author(s):  
Wanda Jarząbek
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
East Europe ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
Joint Declaration ◽  
German States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post War ◽  
De Gaulle

France attempted to be consistent in the assertion of her entitlements resulting from her role as one of the four powers responsible for Europe. Franco-German relations in the power-war years were not easy; however, after President Charles de Gaulle and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer signed the Elysee Treaty, aempts were made aimed at a rapprochement at the social contacts’ level; the political dialogue was also being developed.France also attempted to build up its position in the East. The return to tradition was impossible because of regime transformations in Central and East Europe; in the case of relations between Poland and France, however, French politicians referred to the past, comparable historical experience and a number of apprehensions regarding Germany’s intentions. France was, actually, comfortable with the post-war reduction of Germany’s territory; it was thus de Gaulle’s declaration of 29th March, to the effect that Germany’s unification will be possible within the borders of the existing German states which became the mandatory position for the French policy which Paris used to remind not only Polish, but also German politicians. A formula suggested in May 1970 to Poland’s Foreign Minister, Mr Stefan Jędrychowski, by the French Minister, Mr Maurice Schumann, envisaged a joint declaration by the Four Powers and the submiing on their part of an assurance that they would support the invariable character of the border on the Oder–Lusatian Neisse rivers’ line, in accordance with a proviso set down in the Polish-German treaty. The idea of such a declaration was inconvenient to the People’s Republic of Poland, which did not wish the rights of the Powers to be given publicity and neither did it suit the Federal Republic of Germany, which did not wish such a declaration to be issued.

Charles de Gaulle and European Community

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
David Ramiro Troitino ◽  
Tanel Kerikmae ◽  
Olga Shumilo
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
European Community ◽  
World War ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
Post War ◽  
De Gaulle

This article highlights the role of Charles de Gaulle in the history of united post-war Europe, his approaches to the internal and foreign French policies, also vetoing the membership of the United Kingdom in the European Community. The authors describe the emergence of De Gaulle as a politician, his uneasy relationship with Roosevelt and Churchill during World War II, also the roots of developing a “nationalistic” approach to regional policy after the end of the war. The article also considers the emergence of the Common Agricultural Policy (hereinafter - CAP), one of Charles de Gaulle’s biggest achievements in foreign policy, and the reasons for the Fouchet Plan defeat.

scholarly journals Conferences of Minister Presidents of the German States in 1945—1947 as a Prerequisite for the Formation of the Federal Republic of Germany

2020 ◽  
pp. 290-307
Author(s):  
I. D. Popov
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Development ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
World War ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
National Representation ◽  
German States ◽  
Post War ◽  
Soviet Historiography

The formation of the Minister Presidents of the German states conferences institution after the end of World War II until the end of 1947 is traced. For the fi time in Russian and post-Soviet historiography, the importance of interzonal meetings of heads of regional governments for the political development of Germany in the fi post-war years is shown. The results of the conferences in Stuttgart (February 6, April 3, 1946), Bremen (February 28 — March 1, 1946), Munich (June 6—7, 1947) and Wiesbaden (February 17, June 15—16, October 22, 1947 of the year) are considered. It is concluded that the experience of these meetings and, at the same time, the weak effectiveness of the inter-party dialogue persuaded the Western allies in December 1947 to choose the conference of Minister Presidents as the main negotiating platform with German politicians on the future constitution of West Germany. On the basis of published and archival documentary sources, the transformation of the conferences of Minister Presidents from consultative appendages of military administrations into an infl political structure claiming national representation is shown. At the same time, this infl according to the author of the article, was subject to serious restrictions from not only military administrations, but also party leaders.

scholarly journals The Ideological Legacy of Charles de Gaulle. II. National Paradigm. Part 2. A Concept of France's Greatness

2021 ◽  
pp. 25-33
Author(s):  
Ekaterina NAROCHNITSKAYA
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Goal Setting ◽  
Essential Elements ◽  
French History ◽  
Civilizing Mission ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
Global Responsibility ◽  
Post War ◽  
De Gaulle

The imperative of France's grandeur was one of de Gaulle’s national idea essential elements which is as widely known as it is often misinterpreted. Although such classical vocabulary was disappearing from European political discourse, the founder of Gaullism used the notion of greatness strongly rooted in French political culture as a mobilizing symbolic force for meeting crucial domestic challenges. The motive of greatness was also closely linked with the principles of France’s autonomy and global responsibility, on which de Gaulle pivoted the positioning of the Fifth Republic in the post-war world. All this conflicted with the supranational Euro-Atlantic project, which was the main reason for the sharp negativism against de Gaulle's strategy and rhetoric, accused of "archaic thinking" by his opponents. In fact, the "last great Frenchman’s” concept of "greatness" was quite unorthodox in its reasoning and content, which are of particular interest as part of his relevant ideological legacy. Instead of axiomatic superiority, restoration of former power, civilizing mission, he insisted on the importance of high goal setting, vast undertakings and historical actorness, which were in de Gaulle’s view the existential imperative of French history.

Build the imaginary: Urban futures and New Towns in post-war French spatial planning

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Welch
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Planning ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Visual Media ◽  
Henri Lefebvre ◽  
New Towns ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
Public Expression ◽  
Urban Futures ◽  
Post War ◽  
De Gaulle

Post-war France was reshaped by a sustained period of spatial planning and modernization. This was particularly so during the presidency of Charles de Gaulle (1958–69), as the country positioned itself as a modern European nation after decolonization. In its approach and execution, French spatial planning represented the sort of imperious state intervention critiqued by radical spatial theorists such as Henri Lefebvre. Yet it remained the case that the planners articulated a rich vision of France’s future, filled with space and light. Not only that, but they had the means to bring their vision into being. During the mid-1960s, the building of New Towns became central to their thinking. This article revisits spatial planning as a realm of the imagination and considers how the nation’s future was portrayed in textual and visual forms. It explores how the translation of dreams into built realities became a source of political tension, and how those tensions found public expression in the visual media.

Conservative Liberalism in French and Italian Political Economy

2020 ◽  
pp. 308-349
Author(s):  
Kenneth Dyson
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Monetary Union ◽  
Euro Area ◽  
Economic And Monetary Union ◽  
European Economic ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
Post War ◽  
Luigi Einaudi ◽  
De Gaulle

This chapter seeks to offer a balanced and nuanced view of conservative liberalism in French and Italian political economy by examining its key figures, the context of their work, what they thought and wrote, and how their thinking evolved. It also compares the significance of conservative liberalism in the discourses, policies, and politics of French and Italian political economy. In the case of France, the chapter examines the ideas and roles of Louis Rougier, Jacques Rueff, Maurice Allais, and Raymond Barre. It also discusses the Lippmann Colloquium in 1938; Rueff’s relations with Raymond Poincaré and Charles de Gaulle, especially in the period 1958–61; and the hard franc (franc fort) policy. The key texts of Rougier and Rueff are examined in detail. In the case of Italy, close attention is paid to the ideas and roles of Luigi Einaudi (including his connections to Wilhelm Röpke), Costantino Bresciani-Turroni, Luigi Sturzo, Guido Carli, and Francesco Forte; to the early post-war reconstruction; to Carli’s concept of the good and bad souls of Italy; and to external discipline (vincolo esterno) as a tool of economic policy. The chapter examines the stabilization traditions of France and Italy; the challenge posed by European economic and monetary union; and the deep hostility that emerged towards Ordo-liberalism in the wake of the euro area crisis after 2009.

scholarly journals Factors and directions of revision of the French social paradigm

2022 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 26-40
Author(s):  
S. V. Ivanova ◽  
A. V. Matytsyn
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Global Capitalism ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post Industrial ◽  
De Gaulle ◽  
The Welfare State

Historically, France is home to a number of concepts and practices for the creation of the welfare state (État providence). The state social policy is organically woven into the economic mechanism of this country and, it seemed, is its integral part. The purpose of the article is to identify the main directions of the revision of the social French paradigm. The generalization of the bibliography, historical and statistical analysis made it possible to identify a number of factors of such a revision, including the processes of transnationalization of French business, the scaling of trade, and the crisis of the post-industrial phase of global capitalism. The conclusion is substantiated that the shocks of the 2019 pandemic at the beginning of 2021 accelerated the evolution of French social policy in favor of the communitarian level due to the limited opportunities for social reforms at the country level. The antithesis of the initiatives of Emmanuel Macron is the growth of nationalist sentiments and ideas of Charles de Gaulle against the background of the crisis of convergence of the economies of the member countries.

Building Bridges between Catholicism and Socialism: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde and the Social Democratic Party of Germany

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-170
Author(s):  
Mark Edward Ruff
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post War

AbstractThis article examines the ideological and political transformations that allowed dialogue between Catholics and socialists to bear fruit in the Federal Republic of Germany in the immediate post-war era. It focuses on the role played by Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, the prominent Catholic intellectual, constitutional theorist, historian and future Constitutional Court justice.

Bauchaortenaneurysma – Diagnostik und interventionell-radiologische Therapie

Radiopraxis ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (03) ◽  
pp. E74-E92
Author(s):  
Susanne Anton ◽  
Erik Stahlberg ◽  
Jan Peter Goltz
Keyword(s):  
Chirurgische Therapie ◽  
Albert Einstein ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
Endovaskuläre Aortenreparatur ◽  
Aorta Abdominalis ◽  
De Gaulle

Das Bauchaortenaneurysma (BAA) als eine fokale Erweiterung aller Wandschichten der Aorta abdominalis ist ein komplexes und lebensbedrohliches Krankheitsbild – Albert Einstein und Charles de Gaulle sind an einer Ruptur verblutet. Eine endovaskuläre Aortenreparatur (EVAR) oder offen-chirurgische Therapie haben das Ziel, das Rupturrisiko niedrig zu halten bzw. zu eliminieren und die Lebenserwartung des Patienten zu verbessern.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

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