Chapter 4. The State, the Media, and the Shaping of Public Opinion

2020 ◽  
pp. 71-97
Keyword(s):  
2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 465
Author(s):  
Thoriq Nurmadiansyah

This article highlights how the media, especially television, have per, ceived women's bodies. TV has proven itself to be a powerful medium to develop public opinion, including that with regard to women's bodies. TV has propagates many different types of women's bodies: beautiful women, ugly women, nice women with all their characteristics. The State is also interested in controlling women's bodies. This can be seen from the conceptualization of legal draft on pornography that targeted women. Thus media and the state have competed to rule women's bodies as though they are commodity object, whereas women themselves, the right owners of the bodies, are usually left behind in this discourse. The author suggests that women's voice should be listened and considered seriously in this matter, because women are the owners of their bodies.


Author(s):  
Dmitry Voitenko ◽  

Public opinion formed in the conditions of the political regime and determined by political and legal processes, the activity of their subjects, the media, the impact of globalization on the information openness of the state, legal unification, and legal and cultural dynamics. Opinion manifests and forms consciousness and acts as an element of the institutions of society. Its mechanism manifested in the behavior of subjects, motivated by changes in the content of their judgments. Public opinion contains emotional and mental judgments and carry out evaluative, analytical, regulatory functions. Political and legal judgments formed in the channels of communication between the public and the authorities, objectified in the form of analytical comments by experts and the media. Public opinion is a collective value judgment, has a communicative nature, is formed in the context of changes in the technologies of social dialogue, and opinion becomes a factor of public administration. The peculiarity of interaction between public opinion and government reflects the relationship between the state, law and society and gives rise to political and legal regimes of interaction between government and public opinion. Their originality depends on the type of attitude of the state power towards it. Especially in the context of a democratic transition for societies with an unstable hybrid form of political regime, which are delimited depending on the democracy of electoral laws, consideration of opinions in laws, forms of discussions with the authorities and forms of expression of opinions. In the methodology of public opinion research, factor analysis is advisable since it significantly directed by laws and is a significant factor in influencing the dynamics of legislation - the legal basis of government institutions and the private sphere of society. Information technologies are a resource of power and turn public opinion into an object of influence. It reveals the risks of the impact of hidden, latent public opinion and the purposeful formation of artificial, pseudo-public opinion by the authorities as result of the use of methods of manipulating power resources in the legal sphere. This preserves the ability for the authorities to change the markers of public opinion and artificially create the appearance of legitimate grounds to lobby for the content of legal policy, the drafting of laws, and law enforcement decisions, which is desirable for public authorities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Leni Winarni ◽  
Firdastin Ruthnia Yudiningrum ◽  
Sri Herwindya Baskara Wijaya

Gafatar (Fajar Nusantara Movement), which was established in 2011, became controversial being accused of blasphemy, and treason agains the state in early 2016.  The government then repatriated thousands of their followers from Mempawah, West Kalimantan. This paper examines how the media framed the controversy, and consequently shaped public opinion of the movement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-116
Author(s):  
Viktoriia Valeryevna Zhadanova ◽  
Alexander Nikolaevich Shirobokov

The research is concentrated on the increasing popularity of political context in humour if we take into account the state fragility, identified the manipulative properties of humorous content in general, as well in the research we have tried to evaluate the contribution that ridiculous things in speech make while shaping public opinion. Considering the changes in the sense of joke formation and formats of presenting content on TV by the leading production-company of Ukraine Studio “Quarter 95”, the authors concluded that both satirical and serious stand-ups or politically colored TV-series have a deep influence on the formation of civil position - the attitude towards the media person gains the nature of politically painted trust thanks to sharpness of reflection of real problems which disturb the population. By means of popular culture and television Vladimir Zelensky together with the group have opportunity to recite their citizenship. Above all, the result of the formation of public sentiments by the creative elite serves as a platform for electoral trust. The mentioned idea allows us to state that humor as a tool of political discourse is a weapon that gives visible results in the electoral campaign.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauro Cerbino ◽  
Francesca Belotti

Constitutional reforms in Ecuador and Bolivia and the subsequent laws on communications have opened up the media space to new social and political actors: public and community media. While the former tend to be associated with the state in form and with governments in substance, the latter are not clearly defined and occupy a place in the midst of the hegemonic struggle between the public and private sectors to enable citizens to actively intervene in the competition for shaping public opinion. It is therefore necessary to lay the groundwork for a definition of “community media” that includes both its legal and sociopolitical dimensions. Indeed, operationalizing such a definition might allow community media to recognize themselves in it and to take the measures required to fully project themselves as subjects of the law. Las reformas constitucionales de Ecuador y Bolivia, y las siguientes leyes de comunicación, han abierto el espacio mediático a nuevos actores sociales y políticos: los medios públicos y los comunitarios. Si los primeros tienden a ser referibles al Estado en la forma y a los gobiernos en la sustancia, los segundos se quedan indefinidos e irrumpen en la lucha hegemónica entre los sectores público y privado, para que la ciudadanía intervenga de forma activa en la disputa por la generación de opinión pública. Por lo tanto, es necesario sentar las bases para una definición del concepto de “medio comunitario” que sepa mantener unidas las dimensiones de significado legales y socio-políticas. Traducir en términos operativos esta definición podría permitir a los medios comunitarios reconocerse en los rasgos observables del concepto y, por ende, tomar medidas para proyectarse plenamente como sujetos de derecho.


Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 5 discusses the premises of the emergence of the cartel party with the parties’ resilience to any significant modification in the face of the cultural, societal, and political changes of the 1970s–1980s. Parties kept and even increased their hold on institutions and society. They adopted an entropic strategy to counteract challenges coming from a changing external environment. A new gulf with public opinion opened up, since parties demonstrated greater ease with state-centred activities for interest-management through collusive practices in the para-governmental sector, rather than with new social and political options. The emergence of two sets of alternatives, the greens and the populist extreme right, did not produce, in the short run, any impact on intra-party life. The chapter argues that the roots of cartelization reside mainly in the necessitated interpenetration with the state, rather than on inter-party collusion. This move has caught parties in a legitimacy trap.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Horder

The criminal law has the resources to address corruption in politics, if prosecutors are willing to use it, and if courts are willing to interpret it so that it provides adequate coverage of wrongdoing, particularly wrongdoing in the form of personal corruption engaged in by Members of Parliament. There needs to be a greater willingness to expose the worst corrupt wrongdoers in high office to the risk of judgment at the bar of public opinion, in the form of jury trial. The offence of misconduct in office provides the most appropriate means of doing this. This is not just because it is likely to provide the most appropriate label, but because the offence highlights the constitutionally fundamental bond of trust between the citizen and the state that is broken when officials indulge in corruption.


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