After the Fall: The Legacy of Carlos Salinas: Dismantling the Mexican State? . Rob Aitken, Nikki Craske, Gareth A. Jones, David Stansfield. ; The Mexican Shock: Its Meaning for the U. S. . Jorge Castaneda. ; Mexican Politics in Transition: The Breakdown of a One-Party-Dominant Regime . Wayne Cornelius. ; Democratizing Mexico: Public Opinion and Electoral Choices . Jorge Dominguez, James A. McCann. ; A New Time for Mexico . Carlos Fuentes. ; Liberalismo Autocratico: Las contradicciones del sistema politico mexicano . Lorenzo Meyer. ; Bordering on Chaos: Guerillas, Stockbrokers, Politicians, and Mexico's Road to Prosperity . Andres Oppenheimer. ; Neo-Liberalism Revisited: Economic Restructuring and Mexico's Political Future . Gerardo Otero. ; Cronica del gobierno de Carlos Salinas de Gortari, 1988 - 1994 . Presidencia de la Republica. ; Rebuilding the State: Mexico after Salinas . Monica Serrano, Victor Bulmer-Thomas.

1997 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-214
Author(s):  
Miguel Angel Centeno
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 5 discusses the premises of the emergence of the cartel party with the parties’ resilience to any significant modification in the face of the cultural, societal, and political changes of the 1970s–1980s. Parties kept and even increased their hold on institutions and society. They adopted an entropic strategy to counteract challenges coming from a changing external environment. A new gulf with public opinion opened up, since parties demonstrated greater ease with state-centred activities for interest-management through collusive practices in the para-governmental sector, rather than with new social and political options. The emergence of two sets of alternatives, the greens and the populist extreme right, did not produce, in the short run, any impact on intra-party life. The chapter argues that the roots of cartelization reside mainly in the necessitated interpenetration with the state, rather than on inter-party collusion. This move has caught parties in a legitimacy trap.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Horder

The criminal law has the resources to address corruption in politics, if prosecutors are willing to use it, and if courts are willing to interpret it so that it provides adequate coverage of wrongdoing, particularly wrongdoing in the form of personal corruption engaged in by Members of Parliament. There needs to be a greater willingness to expose the worst corrupt wrongdoers in high office to the risk of judgment at the bar of public opinion, in the form of jury trial. The offence of misconduct in office provides the most appropriate means of doing this. This is not just because it is likely to provide the most appropriate label, but because the offence highlights the constitutionally fundamental bond of trust between the citizen and the state that is broken when officials indulge in corruption.


Author(s):  
Tamar Hermann

In Israel, as in many other countries, the impact of public opinion on national policymaking has increased dramatically over the last few decades. In fact, public opinion has practically developed into one of the prime political inputs in Israel. This chapter argues that this increased impact, which could have contributed to improving the Israeli democracy, is in fact often undermined by the increasing overlapping of the main cleavages within Israel: between the political Right and Left, between Jews and Arabs, and between religious and secular Israelis. This extreme overlapping has severely eroded the national consensus and accelerated the emergence of deep disagreements in public opinion over strategic issues, such as the nature of the state (Jewish? Democratic?), the main challenges facing the nation (including the best way of dealing with the protracted Israeli–Palestinian conflict), and the desired collective future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089124242110248
Author(s):  
Sabina Deitrick ◽  
Christopher Briem

Benjamin Armstrong’s article compares state economic development policies in Pittsburgh and Cleveland in the 1980s, the period of major regional economic restructuring. Armstrong argues that what separated Pittsburgh from Cleveland in the ensuring years was the state-mandated inclusion of the city’s universities as major economic development decision makers and the role that advanced technology played in Pittsburgh’s recovery—much more prominent than in Cleveland’s. The authors agree that the 1980s expanded stakeholders in the region’s traditional economic development strategies, but not to the extent that Armstrong argues, and that significant other factors have affected the two regions in recent decades. The authors also find that the divergence in economic trends between the two regions is not a strong as Armstrong suggests.


Author(s):  
Svenja Schäfer ◽  
Michael Sülflow ◽  
Liane Reiners

Abstract. Previous research indicates that user comments serve as exemplars and thus have an effect on perceived public opinion. Moreover, they also shape the attitudes of their readers. However, studies almost exclusively focus on controversial issues if they explore the consequences of user comments for attitudes and perceived public opinion. The current study wants to find out if hate speech attacking social groups due to characteristics such as religion or sexual orientation also has an effect on the way people think about these groups and how they think society perceives them. Moreover, we also investigated the effects of hate speech on prejudiced attitudes. To explore the hypotheses and research questions, we preregistered and conducted a 3 × 2 experimental study varying the amount of hate speech (none/few/many hateful comments) and the group that was attacked (Muslims/homosexuals). Results show no effects of the amount of hate speech on perceived public opinion for both groups. However, if homosexuals are attacked, hate speech negatively affects perceived social cohesion. Moreover, for both groups, we find interaction effects between preexisting attitudes and hate speech for discriminating demands. This indicates that hate speech can increase polarization in society.


Author(s):  
Juan C. Olmeda

State governments have acquired a central role in Mexican politics and policy making during the last decades as a result of both democratization and decentralization. Nowadays state governments not only concentrate a significant portion of prerogatives and responsibilities in terms of service delivery but also control a substantial share of public spending. However, no systematic studies have been developed in order to understand how state governments function. This chapter provides an overview on how policies are crafted at the subnational (state) level in Mexico, the main actors taking place in the process and the way in which professional knowledge and advice influence policy makers. As it argues, the central role in the policy making process is played by the executive branch, being the governors the ones who have the final word in most important decisions. In addition, secretaries also concentrate power in particular policy areas. As a result of the lack of a professional civil service, however, a significant portion of policy analysis is performed by non-governmental actors (universities, NGOs and private firms). The chapter applies this framework to analyze a particular Mexican state, namely Mexico City.


2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHACK KIE WONG ◽  
NAN SHONG PETER LEE

The paper starts with a brief discussion of recent developments of economic restructuring of the State Owned Enterprises in China and their related reforms in social insurance and social assistance. It then reports the findings of an attitude survey of residents in Shanghai in 1996 towards the social and economic consequences of economic reform. It reveals that, despite the fact that most people feel better off with the reforms, there is still a need for the state to play a role in social protection.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801878711
Author(s):  
Akisato Suzuki

Does the state of the domestic economy change the size of the effect of audience costs? As public opinion research has shown, citizens assess the performance of their leaders based not only on foreign policy, but also on the domestic economy. Thus, if leaders are subject to audience costs, they should be even less able to afford failure in an international crisis when the economy is performing badly than when the economy is doing well. As a result, such leaders should be even more able to make their threats credible and, therefore, are more likely to be successful in coercive diplomacy. This novel prediction finds no empirical support in a replication study using Moon and Souva (2016). I discuss possible reasons for this result and avenues for further research.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-50
Author(s):  
Natalia M. Velikaya ◽  
◽  
Galina V. Tartygasheva ◽  
◽  

The processes of strengthening the country’s security are inextricably linked with ensuring demographic security, preserving and supporting the population, improving the quality of life, and this direction of state and civil efforts is one of the most important for modern Russia. Within the framework of the concept of overcoming the most pressing demographic threats – depopulation and unregulated migration processes, in addition to the pro-natalist policy of the state, the creation of economic conditions for improving the quality of life in general, the most popular and at the same time controversial tool for solving demographic problems is the migration policy aimed at attracting migrants from foreign countries. countries that must solve both the demographic and economic problems of the state. The article presents the results of expert polls of sociological research in 2019 and 2021. “Monitoring of public opinion of the population regarding current socio-cultural threats”, “Image of the future of Russia” conducted by the Center for Sociological Research of the Russian State Humanitarian University using a similar method, which analyzes the public opinion of experts on trends in Russia’s demographic development and possible sociocultural threats associated with them


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