scholarly journals REVOLUTION ON THE WESTERN BORDER OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE (IN WILLIAM HENRY CHAMBERLIN “THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION. VOLS. 1-2”)

2019 ◽  
pp. 127-143
Author(s):  
А. Rusnachenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Western Border ◽  
The Russian Empire

scholarly journals Political Terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901-1911 and Its Role in the Historical Memory of Russia

2020 ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
Т. Rocchi
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Socialist Revolution ◽  
Criminal Violence ◽  
Political Terrorism ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.

scholarly journals THE FIGHTING OF THE CARALIAN AUTHORITIES OF CZARISM WITH THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE ADVENTURES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

2020 ◽  
pp. 84-102
Author(s):  
О. Сарнацький
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Royal Court ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Judicial Procedure

The actions of the juridicalbranch of power of the autocracyin relationto the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberatoryand national-liberatorymovement in the country, whichwere aimed at ceaseof their politicalactivity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system.After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political partiesin the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarism (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment.During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators. More or less «condescending» sentences of judges against representatives of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in 1905 forced the tsarist judiciary to review such a judicial procedure and strengthen its harshness on defendants who committed crimes against the authorities. Subsequently, the Ministry of Justice issued a variety of secret circulars, aimed at intensifying the struggle of the courts against the revolutionary movement, and the court machine of the tsar began to increase pressure. The law of March 18, 1906, restricted the publicity of the court and the timeframe for hearing cases, abolished the requirement to record witnesses’ statements in the minutes and to motivate sentences. On May 11, 1906, the Ministry of Justice issued a circular to the courts No. 2015, which stated that cases of the most serious state crimes should be heard in the special presence of the court chamber behind closed doors. It consisted of a provincial nobleman, a mayor, and state representatives. The judicial power of the autocracy was actively “working”, punishing representatives and supporters of Ukrainian political parties when their activities were related to elections to the Second State Duma. At the same time, the royal court severely punished representatives of Ukrainian political parties, even if they were considered underage by the laws of the Russian Empire, without even considering some of them as guilty.

Снабжениерусскойдействующейармиив1917г.:вспиралипродовольственногокризиса

2019 ◽  
pp. 66-85
Author(s):  
M.V. Oskin
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
Western Border ◽  
Food And Feed ◽  
The Russian Empire

This article examines what ration distributors to the Russian army during the 1915 campaign demanded from commissariats and the more intensive efforts of the Ministry of Agriculture in the effectuation of this task. Supply of the front depended upon the transportation of food and feed from the rear, and during the conditions of military defeat and retreat from the western border of the Russian Empire, it increased the importance of the factor of provisioning the army in order to conduct military operations. The first problem in the chain of ration efforts of the country became a question of meat supply which was of particular importance to the procurement agencies. In general, the front supply agencies of 1915 coped with this task.В данной статье рассматривается вопрос о том, что потребовали от комиссариатов распределители пайков для русской армии в ходе кампании 1915 года и более интенсивные усилия Министерства сельского хозяйства в выполнении этой задачи. Снабжение фронта зависело от транспортировки продовольствия и кормов из тыла, а в условиях военного поражения и отступления от западных границ Российской Империи повышалось значение фактора снабжения армии для проведения военных операций. Первая проблема в цепочке рационных усилий страна стала вопросом поставок мяса, который имел особое значение к закупочным агентствам. В общем, фронтовые снабженческие агентства 1915 года справился с этой задачей.

Liberal clergy organisations during the 1905-1907 revolution

2019 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Павел Евгеньевич Липовецкий
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Faith Based ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
History Of Formation

Статья посвящена истории становления организаций либерального духовенства в годы Первой русской революции (1905-1907) Политический кризис, начавшийся в Российской империи в 1905 г., поставил духовенство Православной Церкви перед необходимостью определить свою позицию по ряду общественных вопросов. Значительная часть клириков высказала симпатии либеральному направлению в политике. Наиболее крупные организации либерального духовенства сложились в Санкт-Петербурге и Москве. Сменившая несколько названий, столичная организация, выросшая из группы 32-х пастырей, в определённой степени пользовались поддержкой правящего архиерея - митр. Антония (Вадковского). Клирики имели возможность высказываться на собраниях и со страниц периодической печати. В свою очередь представители московского духовенства объединились на базе «Общества любителей духовного просвещения». Однако вскоре члены Общества вступили в конфликт с митр. Владимиром (Богоявленским), что заставило их искать поддержки у партии «Союз 17 октября». Это привело к созданию независимой от церковного начальства организации, получившей название «Вероисповедная комиссия при Союзе 17 октября». В программном отношении организации либерального духовенства схожи между собой. Первоначальной темой обсуждения в них были вопросы церковного преобразования, но позднее общественные темы приобрели больший вес. В провинции на данный момент объединений либерального духовенства выявить не удалось. Тем не менее прослеживается деятельность отдельных клириков. The article is devoted to the history of formation of liberal clergy organizations in the years of the First Russian revolution (1905-1907) The political crisis which began in the Russian Empire in 1905 made the Orthodox clergy to define their position on a number of social questions. A large proportion of the clergy expressed sympathy for the liberal trend in politics. The largest organisations of liberal clergy emerged in St Petersburg and Moscow. The organisation in the capital, which had grown out of a group of 32 pastors, had the support of the ruling bishop, Metropolitan Anthony (Vadkovsky), to a certain extent. The clerics were able to speak out at meetings and in the press. Representatives of the Moscow clergy in their turn united on the basis of the 'Society of Lovers of Spiritual Enlightenment'. However, members of the Society soon came into conflict with Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky), which compelled them to seek support from the October 17th Union party. This led to the creation of an organization independent of church authorities called the Faith-Based Commission under the October 17th Union. In programmatic terms, the liberal clergy organizations were similar. Their initial topic of discussion was ecclesiastical conversion, but later social topics acquired greater weight. No liberal clergy associations could be traced in the provinces at present. Nevertheless, the activities of individual clerics can be traced.

The ambassador of Spain to the Russian Empire Anibal Morillo y Pérez del Villar and his “Memories”

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
T. Yu. Vepretskaya
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Humanitarian Mission ◽  
Specific Source ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article examines the  memoirs of a Spanish diplomat Anibal Morillo and Perez del  Villar, the   Count of  Cartagena. He  held  the   post of the  Spanish ambassador in the  Russian  Empire in 1914-1916 when World War  One  broke out.  “Memories  of my Embassy in Russia”  by Morillo is a specific source that shows the  life of the  zarist court and diplomatic circles of St. Petersburg in that period. The Count of Cartagena’s activity has not been considered much  in Russian  historiography.  Based on the analysis of his memoirs, the author of the article suggests that Morillo considered the  Russian revolution to be brought in from outside. A study of the  memoirs showed that the  Spanish ambassador at St. Petersburg preferred  German diplomacy and had a peculiar notion of  the  role of Russia  in unleashing the  war.  The  author of this  article concludes that Morillo’s ideas were partly shaped by the  internal problems and the international situation of his own country at the beginning of the 20th century and that the  Spanish ambassador  was one of  the  Spanish Germanophiles. Spain maintained strict  neutrality throughout the  war. The  Spanish embassy  in Russia  carried out  important humanitarian mission  and active mediation activities, supporting Russian  citizens on enemy territory and trying to improve the  situation of Russian  prisoners of war and facilitate their return. The issue of the  personal participation of Anibal Morillo in mediation is also  touched upon in this article.

BOOK REVIEW : FLEISCHHAUER E.I. THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION. LENIN AND LUDENDORFF (1905-1917)

2021 ◽  
pp. 207-210
Author(s):  
Georgii Khlebnikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Final Analysis ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Russian Empire

This study is the author's contribution to clarifying the causes of destabilization in the final analysis - the tragic collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917.

Satire, Empire and Chromaticism in Dargomyzhsky’s Orchestral Fantasias

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-316
Author(s):  
KIRILL ZIKANOV
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Other ◽  
International Recognition ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Western Border ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
Cultural Negotiations

AbstractIn 1863, Alexander Dargomyzhsky hatched plans for a gallery of humorous fantasias that would depict nationalities residing on the western border of the Russian Empire, including Baltic Germans, Poles, Ukrainians and Finns. On the one hand, this gallery of satirical portraits was an effective way of capturing the attention of domestic audiences, since the western borderlands were at the forefront of Russian popular attention in the wake of the Polish uprising. On the other hand, Dargomyzhsky repeatedly reiterated his intention that the fantasias should function as a means of achieving international recognition, and a year later he actually set off on a promotional tour across Europe. Together, the imperial implications of the three resulting fantasias, Dargomyzhsky’s attempts to market them abroad and the compositional inventiveness of the final fantasia, the Chukhon Fantasy, locate Dargomyzhsky’s orchestral oeuvre as a crucial node in the convoluted aesthetic and cultural negotiations of Russian nineteenth-century music.

scholarly journals Samara public figure and deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Empire V.A. Plemyannikov

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 177-180
Author(s):  
Andrey Ivanovich Eliseev
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Local Branch ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Russian Empire

The paper analyzes published and archival documents, periodical materials, and memoirs of contemporaries; it is devoted to the socio-political activities of the member of the Samara Zemstvo Council, one of the organizers of the Samara Provincial and Buzuluk Uyezd Committees of the Constitutional Democratic Party, deputy of the first State Duma of the Russian Empire, Vasily Andreevich Plemyannikov. The author examines the work of V.A. Plemyannikov in the Zemstvo institutions of the Samara province and All-Russian Zemstvo Congresses, where he studied the situation in the region, gained rich experience in social activities, and formed his political views. The paper also contains an overview of Plemyannikovs relations with Central authorities and regional public organizations. The author argues that the years of the first Russian revolution became the peak of Plemyannikovs social and political activity. The paper is focused on the active participation of V.A. Plemyannikov in the State Duma election campaign and the organization of the local branch of the Constitutional Democratic Party in Buzuluk Uyezd. Due to his active propaganda work and political significance in the province, Plemyannikov was elected to the State Duma. In addition to the reconstruction of political activity of V.A. Plemyannikov, the paper introduces previously unknown biographical data.

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