The ambassador of Spain to the Russian Empire Anibal Morillo y Pérez del Villar and his “Memories”

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
T. Yu. Vepretskaya

The article examines the  memoirs of a Spanish diplomat Anibal Morillo and Perez del  Villar, the   Count of  Cartagena. He  held  the   post of the  Spanish ambassador in the  Russian  Empire in 1914-1916 when World War  One  broke out.  “Memories  of my Embassy in Russia”  by Morillo is a specific source that shows the  life of the  zarist court and diplomatic circles of St. Petersburg in that period. The Count of Cartagena’s activity has not been considered much  in Russian  historiography.  Based on the analysis of his memoirs, the author of the article suggests that Morillo considered the  Russian revolution to be brought in from outside. A study of the  memoirs showed that the  Spanish ambassador at St. Petersburg preferred  German diplomacy and had a peculiar notion of  the  role of Russia  in unleashing the  war.  The  author of this  article concludes that Morillo’s ideas were partly shaped by the  internal problems and the international situation of his own country at the beginning of the 20th century and that the  Spanish ambassador  was one of  the  Spanish Germanophiles. Spain maintained strict  neutrality throughout the  war. The  Spanish embassy  in Russia  carried out  important humanitarian mission  and active mediation activities, supporting Russian  citizens on enemy territory and trying to improve the  situation of Russian  prisoners of war and facilitate their return. The issue of the  personal participation of Anibal Morillo in mediation is also  touched upon in this article.

Neophilology ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 76-84
Author(s):  
Nailya B. Mustafayeva

In Azerbaijan literature of the early 20th century mukhammas were created, they were distinguished by the search for new forms and the problematic range. For example, Sabir began mukhammas with beit (couplets) of tarji, repeated it at the end of each stanza. Many other poets repeated a similar technique afterwards. There are other features of the mukhammas of the specified period; the topic in general covered lyric and poetic, patriotic, social and political, philosophical, and religious issues. The patriotic mukhammas included a description of the nature beauties, the motherland defenders courage, the impulses of those who strove for the progress of the country, for its freedom. The number of satirical mukhammas increased. Takhmis (imitations) were written on classical poems, including Fuzuli’s ghazals. At the early 20th century in Azerbaijan, as well as in other places of the Russian Empire, political activity grew among the population. The famous poet Mahammad Hadi wrote in his mukhammas about the need to achieve freedom. After all, only free people can achieve true progress and prosperity. In Soviet times, a number of poets continued to write their poems in the classical style. Poets such as V. Abbaszade Hammal, M.S. Ordubadi, A. Nazmi, Mikayil Rafili, Ali Nazim, Suleiman Rustam, Mikayil Mushfig praised their native land in their mukhammas, at the same time they did not forget to note the role of the Communist Party in the prosperity of the country. A lot of poems were devoted to international events, criticism of the imperialist forces. During World War II, Aliaga Vahid in his mukhammas predicted German fascism an inevitable defeat, expressed admiration for the heroism of Soviet soldiers. In the second half and at the end of the 20th century, the number of mukhammas on religious themes is growing in Azerbaijan poetry. A number of poets have moved from writing poetry in the classical nazm style to the mukhammas genre.


Author(s):  
С.Р. Повалишникова ◽  
О.В. Захарова

Основной массив современных отечественных исследований направлен на изучение положения русских военнопленных в годы Первой мировой войны. В настоящей статье сделана попытка проанализировать бытовые условия содержания военнопленных, находившихся на территории Российской империи. Эти условия во многом зависели от звания и национальности пленных. В статье делается акцент на источники личного происхождения. Особое внимание уделяется воспоминаниям немецкого генерала Э. Людендорфа, немецкого журналиста А. Курта и находившегося в Восточной Сибири немецкого военнопленного Э. Двингера. The vast majority of modern Russian research is aimed at the investigation of the position of Russian prisoners of war during World War I. The present article attempts to analyze the conditions of everyday life of German prisoners of war who lived in the Russian Empire during World War I. The conditions largely depended on the rank and nationality of prisoners of war. The article analyzes personal documents. It focuses on memoirs written by E. Ludensdorff (German general), A. Kurt (German journalist), who lived in Eastern Siberia, and E. Dwinger (German prisoner of war).


Author(s):  
Т. Rocchi

The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.


Author(s):  
Natalia Aleksiejewna Narocznicka

The Russian Revolution and the World in the Twentieth Century: Viewed in the Context of the Russian Question at the Paris Peace Conference The author reviews and sums up areas of research focused on the centennial of the Russian Revolution, Civil War and the end of World War One. Special emphasis is put to the Russian question at the 1919 Paris Peace (Versailles) Conference. The article presents both new and little known data revealing the differences among the Allied Powers regarding the Russian Revolution, the Bolshevik regime, support to the White Movement and the integrity of the Russian territory. It also studies some scarcely researched aspects of W. Wilson's program and US secret diplomacy, including the role of the'Inquiry', the American study group at Versailles Conference; Bullitt's mission to Soviet Russia; negotiations between M. Litvinov and W. Buckler; plans to recognize the Bolsheviks on the territory they were controlling in 1919. Artykuł systematyzuje kierunki badań związanych ze stuleciem rosyjskiej rewolucji, wojny domowej i zakończeniem pierwszej wojny światowej. Szczególną uwagę poświęca się „rosyjskiemu Problemowi” na Paryskiej Konferencji Pokojowej w 1919 r. Autorka przywołuje mało znane i nowe fakty świadczące o kontrowersjach między państwami Ententy w ocenie rewolucji w Rosji, reżimu bolszewickiego, poparcia dla Ruchu Białych i integralności terytorium Rosji. Zaprezentowana została analiza mało zbadane aspekty programu W. Wilsona i tajnej dyplomacji USA, w tym rola amerykańskiej grupy eksperckiej Inquiry, misja W. Bullita w Radzieckiej Rosji, rozmowy M. Litwinowa i W. Becklera, plany uznania władzy bolszewików na zajmowanych przez nich w 1919 r. terytoriach.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Laura Branciforte

Resumen: En este artículo se aborda, a partir de un estado de la cuestión sobre el debate historiográfico más reciente en torno a las mujeres y la revolución rusa, el papel que tuvieron las feministas rusas, las ravnopravki, las luchadoras por la igualdad de derechos de las mujeres. A través de algunas de las protagonistas del asociacionismo feminista, haré especial hincapié en el movimiento sufragista que se fue consolidando en un momento clave para el Imperio ruso, desde 1905 hasta 1917. Pasando de una revolución a otra, de un domingo a otro (1905- 1917), analizaré, a raíz de la bibliografía existente, no muy copiosa, las formas de la participación de las mujeres en el estallido de la Revolución de febrero, el día 23 de febrero o 8 de marzo de 1917 según el calendario adoptado: el Día Internacional de las mujeres, disputado entre bolcheviques y feministas. Por último, tomaré en consideración otro día muy señalado en la historia del protagonismo revolucionario femenino ruso y su descripción en la historiografía: el día 19 de marzo de 1917, cuando, 40.000 mujeres marcharon por la Nevsky Prospect, bajo el lema: igualdad para las mujeres y obtuvieron el sufragio universal del nuevo gobierno provisional.Palabras claves: ravnopravki, Día Internacional de las mujeres, feminismo, bolcheviques, activismo femenino y feminista.Summary: Starting with a review of the historiographical debate about women and the Russian Revolution, this paper deals with the role that Russian feminists, the ravnopravki, played in the fight for the equal rights of women. Through some of the protagonists of feminist associations, the focus is on the Suffragist movement that was gaining momentum at a key moment for the Russian Empire between 1905 and 1917. Going from one revolution to another, from one Sunday to another (1905-1917), the analysis relies on the existing, though not-so-abundant literature and explores the ways in which women participated in the outbreak of the February Revolution, on 23 February or 8 March 1917, depending on the calendar adopted for International Women’s Day, which was disputed between Bolsheviks and feminists. Finally, consideration is given to another important date in the history of the revolutionary role of the movement of Russian women and its description in historiography, 19 March 1917, when 40,000 women marched down the Nevsky Prospect under the slogan: Equality for women! and obtained universal suffrage from the new Provisional Government.Key words: ravnopravki, International Women’s Day, feminism, Bolsheviks, feminine and feminist activism.


Author(s):  
Aleksei I. Chubarov ◽  
Pavel P. Shcherbinin

We examine the activities of state, public and charitable organizations aimed at providing assistance to children of lower ranks, called for mobilization and underage refugees. We conduct a brief analysis of the evolution of assistance to children in the Russian Empire from the moment of the adoption of the Charter on Universal Military Service in 1874 to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, during which, along with institutions that had established themselves earlier, organizations that owe their the appearance of military events began to provide assistance to children. The main directions of assistance to minors during the studied period are considered: the issuance of permanent benefits and lump sum payments, the creation of permanent shelters and seasonal nurseries, the organization of primary and labor education. We provide data on social support for orphans during the First World War of 1914–1918 both at the all-Russian and at the governorate level, which makes it possible to assess the options and possibilities of rendering as-sistance to such troubled children. The results of the study of the stated scientific problem made it possible to identify and evaluate not only the possibilities of a welfare state in the Russian Empire of early 20th century, but also bright pages of zemstvo support, charitable initiatives of provincial patrons, social service of various representatives of urban and rural societies. Military everyday life, like a litmus test, outlined the most typical manifestations of social support for orphans in im-perial Russia of early 20th century, as well as elements of civil initiative and social self-organization of various representatives of the country’s population. The ethno-confessional possi-bilities of social support for soldiers’ children are clarified, as well as the organization of the work of agricultural shelters, nurseries and other social organizations and structures.


Rusin ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
A.V. Sushko ◽  
◽  
D.I. Petin ◽  

The article examines an understudied aspect of religious life in Omsk during the First World War, associated with mass conversion to the Orthodoxy of Rusin prisoners of war – former soldiers and officers of the Austro-Hungarian army. The research is based on the materials from the journal Omskie Eparkhialnye Vedomosti and the registration records of the birth books of Omsk Orthodox churches for 1915–1917. The combination of the anthropological approach with the problem-chronological and historicalcomparative methods allowed a thorough investigation of the phenomenon of mass conversion of Rusin prisoners of war to Orthodoxy, linking it with the specific historical situation and the personalities of church hierarchs who served in Siberia. The authors argue that the “Omsk phenomenon” of Rusins’ joining Orthodoxy was conditioned by the ascetic activity of the missionaries from the Omsk and Pavlodar dioceses, lead by Bishop Sylvester (Olshevsky). However, it should be emphasized that the dynamic development of this process was ensured by the official ideology based on Orthodox values, which dominated in the Russian Empire. The ideological factor of the conversion to Orthodoxy was decisive for the Rusins, who were attracted by the Orthodox empire, the “state of the Russian people”. The fall of the monarchy as a result of the Russian Revolution changed the paradigm of the country’s development and immediately put an end to the massive conversions of Rusins to Orthodoxy in Omsk. The article may be of interest to researchers of the history of Rusins, military and social history, as well as national and religious politics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 83-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Apendiyev

The First World War was the largest event in the history of mankind, which had a significant impact on the fate of many peoples, including states. One of the main factors was the capture of troops and individuals on the front of the war between warring states and the flight of soldiers as a result of the war. During the war, neighboring states, political allies captured each other's armies and citizens. The capture of citizens of each other took place between the Entente and the central powers. The Russian Empire, which was part of the Entente and was considered the main participant in the war, detained people from the central powers. Citizens of the central powers captured during the war were sent to all regions of the Russian Empire, which also extended to the steppe and Turkestan provinces. Based on this, the Turkestan Territory was considered one of the key regions of the Russian Empire, in which Europeans were accepted. In the era of the empire, European prisoners lived in the Aulie ata district of the Turkestan governor general in the SyrDarya region. Representatives of European nationality have lived in the region since the end of the nineteenth century, and this continued during the years of the First World War. During World War I, the Aulie atа district was considered one of the districts where European prisoners and refugees were received. Although the number of prisoners of war from the central powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary) in the Ayulie atа district is small, traces of political prisoners of war still remain from these states. The article discusses the history of prisoners of war deported to Aulie ata district during the war years. The socio-political status of the citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who arrived in Aulie atа County, their life is studied. The nationality and surname of the captives will be determined, and their standard of living will be determined.


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