scholarly journals THE FIGHTING OF THE CARALIAN AUTHORITIES OF CZARISM WITH THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE ADVENTURES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

2020 ◽  
pp. 84-102
Author(s):  
О. Сарнацький
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Royal Court ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Judicial Procedure

The actions of the juridicalbranch of power of the autocracyin relationto the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberatoryand national-liberatorymovement in the country, whichwere aimed at ceaseof their politicalactivity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system.After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political partiesin the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarism (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment.During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators. More or less «condescending» sentences of judges against representatives of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in 1905 forced the tsarist judiciary to review such a judicial procedure and strengthen its harshness on defendants who committed crimes against the authorities. Subsequently, the Ministry of Justice issued a variety of secret circulars, aimed at intensifying the struggle of the courts against the revolutionary movement, and the court machine of the tsar began to increase pressure. The law of March 18, 1906, restricted the publicity of the court and the timeframe for hearing cases, abolished the requirement to record witnesses’ statements in the minutes and to motivate sentences. On May 11, 1906, the Ministry of Justice issued a circular to the courts No. 2015, which stated that cases of the most serious state crimes should be heard in the special presence of the court chamber behind closed doors. It consisted of a provincial nobleman, a mayor, and state representatives. The judicial power of the autocracy was actively “working”, punishing representatives and supporters of Ukrainian political parties when their activities were related to elections to the Second State Duma. At the same time, the royal court severely punished representatives of Ukrainian political parties, even if they were considered underage by the laws of the Russian Empire, without even considering some of them as guilty.

scholarly journals he attitude of the prosecutor's office and the autocracy court to the activities of members of the Ukrainian political parties of the Dnieper in the early twentieth century.

2019 ◽  
pp. 107-116
Author(s):  
O. П. Сарнацький
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Court System ◽  
District Courts ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Law ◽  
Severe Punishment

The actions of the juridical branch of power of the autocracy in relation to the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberator and national-liberator movement in the country, which were aimed at cease of their political activity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system. After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political parties in the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarist (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment. According to the law of the country, the most important matters are cases of corruption (and the case of state-owned crime was political, against officials, for example, were the most serious crimes) were subject in essence only in district courts and chambers of court. Similar order was launched in 1864, during the course of the reformation, which entered three-stage court system. The courts of the first instance were district courts. There were twenty-eight district courts in Ukraine. The courts of the second instance were judicial chambers. In Ukraine, there were three of them –in Kyiv, Odessa and Kharkov. Here are just some examples. In 1901 the prosecutor of the Kyiv court chamber considered the case concerning the members of the secret organization «Kiev an revolutionaries independent» the carpenter E. Shcherbak and locksmith P. Petrov who were accused of distributing in Kyiv a brochure «How to keep yourself on interrogation», the magazine «Svoboda» and another illegal literature, noted in their working papers, and the court punished them for it. During the peasant riots in the Poltava and Kharkov regions in the spring of 1902, the Kharkov Chamber of Justice acted expeditiously, punishing the peasants for their participation in them. In July 1904, in Lipovets, in the Kyiv region, a peasant Dmitry Perebyinos found brochures «Uncle Dmitry», which he distributed among his fellow villagers. The Kiev an court chamber condemned D. Perebynos according to art. 130 of criminal code for two weeks imprisonment. During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators.

Jewish Pogroms in the Historical Context of the First Russian Revolution

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (47) ◽  
pp. 115-127
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Bezarov
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Mass Murder ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Cost

The article studies the place and role of Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire in thehistorical context of the First Russian Revolution of 1905 – 1907. It was proved that Jewish pogroms were a trigger mechanism used by opposition and revolutionary groups in the Russian Empire and beyond, in order to provoke a political confrontation with the Russian government, which was postfactum declared to be the fault of the «mass murder of peaceful Jews». The corresponding propaganda of the «pogrom policy of autocracy» was supported by the opposition and revolutionary periodical press. According to the logic of the Russian opposition it should, firstly, destabilize the internal situation in the country, and, secondly, discredit the autocracy in the eyes of the world community. The confrontation was critical when both sides of the conflict began to resort to the method of pogroms provocation. If anti-government groups used this method at the beginning of the revolutionary events, the Russian authorities turned to the corresponding «services» of the monarchists and the Russian citizens loyal to the regime at the final stage of the revolution when the government demanded more determination in its suppression. The author believes that the First Russian Revolution failed to solve the Jewish question. Accordingly, Russian Jewry again turned into a hostage in the confrontation of the autocracy with the opposition political groups, and the territory of the Jewish Pale of Settlement remained a human capacity and source of energy in the development of the Russian revolutionary movement in subsequent years as well, because if the autocracy succeeded in breaking out the victory of the hands of Jewish revolutionaries in 1905 – 1907, it was only at the cost of victims of their own citizens. Keywords: Jewish pogroms 1905 ‒ 1907, First Russian Revolution, Bund, Jewish self-defence, Russianempire

scholarly journals Legal nihilism in resolving family conflicts of nobles and peasants of Russian Empire in the first third of XIX century

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-30
Author(s):  
S. P. Volf ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Family Relations ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Family Conflicts ◽  
Raising Children ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

The article highlights the ways of resolving family conflicts nobles and peasants in the first third of the XIX century in the Russian Empire, against the background of the ongoing systematization of legislation. Based on examination of the letters and memoirs of the nobles and peasants we highlighted the methods, which are actually used to solve family conflicts. I conclude that nobles and peasants rarely used help of the state in resolving family conflicts. The sphere of family relations was sacred for these estates; therefore, they did not rope the authorities into family conflicts. I have identified the following ways to resolve family conflicts: duel; marriage, often in the form of a secret wedding; going to the monastery and punishing the unfaithful wife; different approaches to raising children by peasants and nobles. The author of the article pays attention to passivity of the peasants in resolving their family conflicts. The results of the study allow exploring the alternative ways of resolving family conflicts based on representatives of other classes of Russian society in the first third of the 19th century (clergy, merchants, philistines, foreigners) as well, using wider range of sources (journalism, normative acts, fiction, paperwork). This analysis contributes to the discussion about the limits of the government intervention into family affairs. The author of the article redlines that people did not trust the law and resorted to the personally legitimate sources of dealing with family conflicts. This conclusion presents a new perspective in the discussion of legal nihilism and real application of the law in life

scholarly journals Practice of relationships between the Prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie in the investigation of political crimes

2018 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-37
Author(s):  
V. P. Gorbachov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Judicial Reform ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Political Repression ◽  
Impartial Observer ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Relationship

The article discusses the practice of the relationships between the Prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie, which formed during the investigation of political crimes in the Russian Empire after the judicial reform of 1864. It is indicated that the law of May 19, 1871 changed the legal relationships between the gendarmerie and the Prosecutor’s office. The gendarmerie was given the right to conduct an inquiry, and the prosecutor’s office was entrusted with the supervision of this activity. Central agencies targeted the prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie to coordinate their activities in the investigation of political crimes, which resulted in their gradual rapprochement. In practice, the Prosecutor’s office began to take an active part in the conduct of inquiries on the state crimes. As a result, it gradually lost its original meaning “guardian of the law and an impartial observer for the correctness of the actions of a person who conducted the inquiry”. The actual relationships between the Prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie was not unambiguous. They largely depended on specific individuals and could be diametrically opposed. Along with the relations of “mutual understanding” there were also facts of direct conflicts between the prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie. Despite such different relationship, in society, the existing level of political repression “was attributed to the joint and solidary activities of zealous gendarmes with zealous prosecutors”. The career of prosecutors depended largely on the relationship with the gendarmerie. Later, during the inquiry, many prosecutors began to lose their impartiality and gradually turned into agents of gendarmerie goals. According to the figurative expression of the former Chairman of the Council of Ministers S. Witte, the Minister of justice himself “from the Supreme guardian of legality became an assistant to the chief of gendarmes and the chief of secret police”.

scholarly journals The Revolution of 1905 in Częstochowa – based on the memories of Bronisława Zejden

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-224
Author(s):  
Karolina Studnicka-Mariańczyk ◽  
Bartłomiej Frukacz
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

The revolution of 1905 eludes simplistic and schematic interpretations. The event engulfed the Russian Empire and it spread to the territory of the Kingdom of Poland. The revolution had a complex background, but the rising discontent of the working classes and peasants played a crucial role. Political factors and opposition against Russian absolutism were equally pivotal. In the Kingdom of Poland, left-wing revolutionary forces’ attempts to regain national independence and sovereignty strongly contributed to the insurgency. The most significant acts of rebellion took place in the major Russian cities and the Vistula Country that had been incorporated into Imperial Russia. The key metropolitan areas at the beginning of the 20th century were St. Petersburg, Warsaw, Riga, Łódź as well as Częstochowa. The revolution of 1905 attracts considerable interest and stirs much controversy among contemporary historians. The events surrounding the revolution have been well documented by the existing research into worker movements and the history of political parties. However, not all sources have been identified and published, which creates new opportunities for expanding the existing knowledge. One of such undiscovered sources is a short diary of Bronisława Barc (née Zejden) who participated in the strikes in Częstochowa.

scholarly journals Państwa zaborcze wobec zbiegów i dezerterów – rosyjsko-pruskie konwencje kartelowe z lat 1816–1830

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-242
Author(s):  
Marek Rutkowski
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Border Crossing ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Sensitive Topics ◽  
The Russian Empire

Relationships between the Russian Empire (and the Kingdom of Poland) and the Kingdom of Prussia, which took place during the first fifteen years after signing the Treaty of Vienna (1815), included many so-called sensitive topics. Among them there were issues of border crossing: fleeing and desertion. In order to stop or limit people from such acts, invading countries signed a plethora of cartel agreements in the years 1816-1830. One of the first agreements was signed on 13th/25th May 1816 that soon – on 24th March/5th April 1817 – was extended by an additional extradition order. Another important Russian-Prussian agreement was a convention (with a declaration) dated back to 17th/29th March 1830. The discussed agreements, which regulated the procedures for effective capture and transfer of deserters and fugitives in quite detail, were supposed to refer only to legal, not political, issues partly by definition, and by international practice. This lasted until 1830, when David d’Alopaeus and Christian Bernstorff signed a cartel agreement from March 1830, which also concerned (in the secret declaration) the possible extradition of political criminals. Signing of such a convention just eights months before the outbreak of the November Uprising shows invading countries’ attitude towards a possible and anticipated fight for Polish national liberation. 

scholarly journals Public Resistance in the National Liberation Movement of Poles in Right-Bank Ukraine in the First Half of the 1860s (From the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Kyiv)

2021 ◽  
pp. 389-404
Author(s):  
Oksana Ivanenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Central State ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
Polish Question ◽  
Historical Archive ◽  
National Liberation Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article covers important manifestations and specifics of the protest culture of the Polish community within the South-Western region of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 1860s on the basis of analysis and synthesis of information from the documents of "Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General" (f.442) and "Office of the trustee of the Kiev school district" (f.707) of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv). Defending one's own cultural identity as a driver of national development is connected with the awareness of the political interests and goals of the liberation struggle of Poles. The unique influence of the Polish question on historical processes, the configuration of international relations in Europe during the "long 19th century" determines the relevance and scientific significance of the study and thinking of the history of Polish national and cultural movement. Comprehensive study of the Polish question in the European history of the 19th century is an important part of the scientific perception of interethnic contradictions and antagonisms in the Russian Empire and the reaction of European diplomacy and public opinion, a deeper understanding of the essence of Russian-Polish cultural and civilizational confrontation and its impact on Ukrainian national life. Following the three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (1772, 1793, 1795) most of the territories of this formerly powerful European state were incorporated into the Russian Empire, there was a fierce struggle for cultural and ideological dominance in the region. The Polish national liberation movement of the 1860s, which culminated in the January Uprising of 1863-1864, developed against a background of broad social and cultural resistance to Russian autocracy, manifested in such protest actions as mourning and serving panikhads for dead Poles, singing patriotic Polish songs and hymns, public wearing of national costumes, participation in anti-government manifestations and demonstrations, refusal to read prayers for the emperor in churches, and so on. Clergy and educators, as well as students and pupils, were the driving force behind this protest movement, which had an international resonance

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