scholarly journals Does the sexual harassment procedure work?

1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Colleen Hicks
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Green Paper ◽  
Grievance Procedure ◽  
Work Place ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Specific Goal ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

One must presume that the parties who placed this procedure in the Labour Relations Act had a specific goal in mind. If we look at the Government Green Paper Industrial relations, a framework for review, volume 2, page 173, - one of the options with regard to this topic - the one ultimately legislated for is set out as: To extend the definition of personal grievance to specifically include discrimination in the work place or alternatively to create a separate grievance procedure to deal with such matters. This option would be attractive in offering all workers covered by awards and agreements an easily accessible, flexible and relatively quick mechanism for resolving such matters close to their point of origin.

Social Dialogue Under Globalization in Nigeria: Does Democracy Add Value?

2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ifeanyi P. Onyeonoru ◽  
Kehinde Kester
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Work Place ◽  
Consensus Building ◽  
International Labour Organisation ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Social Dialogue ◽  
Modest Contribution ◽  
Social Partners ◽  
Oil Sector ◽  
The Government

Social dialogue as an aspect of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is aimed at promoting industrial democracy by encouraging consensus building among social partners in the work place. The significance lies, among others, in minimising conflicts to enable harmonious industrial relations. This study utilized specific case illustrations to examine the inclination of the Nigerian government towards social dialogue in government-labour relations, with particular reference to the Obasanjo era 1999-2007— a period associated with the globalization of democracy. The cases included the minimum wage award 2000, University Autonomy Bill, the price deregulation of the downstream oil sector and the Trade Union Amendment Bill 2004. It was found that the government exhibited a penchant for authoritarianism in spite of the globalization of democracy. This was evident in the incapacity of the Obasanjo government to engage the social partners in social dialogue as indicated by the cases reviewed. The study, however, highlighted the modest contribution to social dialogue made by the wider democratic structure. It was concluded that the government had limited capacity for consensus building, accommodation of opposition and negotiated outcomes in government-labour relations

Trade Unions and the Quadripartite Interactions in Strike Settlement in China

2010 ◽  
Vol 201 ◽  
pp. 104-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Chen
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
Low Degree ◽  
The Government

AbstractAlthough the Chinese government has claimed to be pursuing tripartism for labour relations, the non-judicial resolution of interest conflict in enterprises is largely a process of quadripartite interaction. In addition to the government and employers, the trade unions and workers are separate players: labour strikes in China are always launched by unorganized workers rather than by trade unions, whose task is to defuse the situation. Such a quadripartite process is dominated by the government, with the trade union playing a mediating role, not only between workers and the government but also between workers and employers. The process involves certain explicit and implicit rules, as well as distinct dynamics. This research examines the institutional and social basis of quadripartite interaction and how it led to the settlement of strikes. It demonstrates that although it can effectively defuse workers' collective action, a quadripartite process of conflict resolution reflects a low degree of institutionalization of industrial relations in China.

scholarly journals The National Qualifications Framework Green Paper: What Future for the Framework?

1997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cedric Hall
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Professional Education ◽  
Green Paper ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Major Advance ◽  
National Qualifications Framework ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Industry Training

This paper examines some of the proposals in the Government Green Paper A Future Qualifications Policy for New Zealand. An analysis of responses to the Green Paper indicates a strong division between those closely associated with industry training and those responsible for the provision of general and professional education. The position taken in this article is that the Green Paper is a major advance on the current National Qualifications Framework (NQF), but that the proposals are unlikely to be implemented successfully without greater mutual understanding between the different sectors (industry, schools, universities and other tertiary providers). The paper identifies 17 considerations that a new qualifications structure should address if it is to be implemented successfully. Of the models suggested in publicly available responses to the Green Paper, the one proposed by Smithers (1997) comes closest to addressing the concerns raised in this article.

Labour Relations in the New Economic Environment

1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
N R Sheth
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Full Employment ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Mutual Trust ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
The Government

The process of rationalization and liberalization dominating the government's new economic policy (NEP) is an inevitable part of India's need to exist and grow with dignity in the emerging global economy. While this implies freedom and flexibility for industry, this has also led to incidence of labour redundancy, unemployment and casualization. With the government committed to full employment in the current five-year plan and the trade unions bearing a crucial social responsibility to protect workers' interests, the industrial relations issues involved in NEP need to be resolved amicably. This paper by N R Sheth examines these issues in detail and discusses the need for a meaningful dialogue among the various concerned parties in an atmosphere of mutual trust.

scholarly journals Instruments to measure the successfulness of political parties

2005 ◽  
pp. 395-403
Author(s):  
Uros Suvakovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Measuring Instruments ◽  
Local Leadership ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Basic Goal ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Social sciences should always aim to reach the highest possible level of exactness, as much as they can when one has in mind their topic of research. In the case of research about political parties, we believe that it is possible - with relatively exract indicators - to establish their successfulness and quantify it by using two measuring instruments: the ten-member graphic scale of successfulness of political parties and the index of successfulness of political parties. Political parties are political organizations of ideological-political like(similar)-minded persons who create associations lasting relatively long period of time to promote specific programme standpoints with the basic goal to win, that is stay in power or participate in power. Through power, they realize and confirm the interests, values and goals of those social groups which they tend to represent, as a rule trying to present these interests, values and goals as general, that is as global as possible. This definition of the notion of political party clearly indicates that its basic goal is winning, that is staying or at least participating in power. Therefore, to measure the successfulness of political parties means to determine the degree a party succeeded in realizing that basic goal of any party. Since the political power is implemented through the parliament and the government is a product of the power relations in it, one could assume that successful political parties are only those which have a parliamentary status. How much one of them would be successful depends on the position it can ensure for itself in a concrete constellation of political relations. Among the successful ones the least successful is the political party which has a parliamentary status but it is in the opposition and not leading this opposition - so it has no influence on the government (the position 6 on the scale); the most successful party is the one which has enough power to form the government alone (position 10). From the standpoint of any party - winning, staying or participating in power, the nonparliamentary parties are unsuccessful political parties. Amnog them, the most unsuccessful is the party which just satisfied the conditions for registration, whose leaders meet twice a year and which formed at least 5 local leadership bodies (the position 1 on the scale); the least unsuccessful political party is the party which won more than 3% of the votes of those who voted at the parliamentary elections, but is below the census proposed for entering the parliament or which managed to nominate at least 10% of the total number of the candidates for the representatives in the assemblies of the local communities at the municipal rank (position 5). While calculating the index of successfulness, each party is given a number of points for every year - these points reflect the position of that party on the scale of successfulness for that year (for example, the party X has the position 5 in 1993 and it gets 5 points). Since the index of successfulness is calculated for the period of 10 years, the sum of points acquired for these 10 years is divided by the number 10 to get the index of successfulness of political parties.

Missionary Knowledge and the State in Colonial Nigeria: On How G. T. Basden became an Expert

2006 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 433-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitri van den Bersselaar
Keyword(s):  
Colonial State ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Original Intention ◽  
Awkward Position ◽  
Igbo People ◽  
Knowledge Requirements ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Colonial Government

Between 1931 and 1937, the Anglican missionary G. T. Basden represented the Igbo people on the Nigerian Legislative Council. The Igbo had not elected Basden as their representative; he had been appointed by the colonial government. Basden's appointment seems remarkable. In 1923 the Legislative Council had been expanded to include seats for Unofficial Members, representing a number of Nigerian areas, with the expressed aim of increasing African representation on the Council. In selecting Basden the government went against their original intention that the representative of the Igbo area would be a Nigerian. However, the government decided that there was no “suitable” African candidate available, and that the appointment of a recognized European expert on the Igbo was an acceptable alternative. This choice throws light on a number of features of the Nigerian colonial state in 1930s, including the limitations of African representation and the definition of what would make a “suitable” African candidate.In this paper I am concerned with the question of how Basden became recognized as an expert by the colonial government and also, more generally, with the linkages between colonial administrations' knowledge requirements and missionary knowledge production. Missionary-produced knowledge occupied a central, but also somewhat awkward position in colonial society. On the one hand, colonial governments and missions shared a number of common assumptions and expectations about African peoples. On the other hand, there also existed tensions between missions and government, partly reflecting differing missionary and administrative priorities, which means that the missionary expert was not often recognized as such.

scholarly journals ILO/ARPLA. Codes of Practice: A StructuralAnalysis. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 88pp.US $ 2.00 Paperback

1990 ◽  
Vol 29 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 350-354
Author(s):  
Zafar Mehmood
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Moral Authority ◽  
Collective Agreement ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Code Of Practice ◽  
Codes Of Practice ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government

ILO/ARPLA. Codes of Practice: A StructuralAnalysis. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 88pp.US $ 2.00 Paperback. ILO/ARPLA. Monitoring Labour Markets. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 11Opp.US $ 3.00 Paperback. ILO/ARPLA. Managing Contract Migration: Philippine Experience Observed. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 68pp.US $ 3.00 Paperback. All three books deal with various issues concerning the labour market, such as basic agreements on industrial relations, labour market information, and managing temporary migration. (i) A Code of practice in industrial relations is a collective agreement and a moral instrument of voluntary partnership. The agreements are most often concerned with development and are not related exclusively to conflict resolution or conflict avoidance as explicit goals. It is not a Code of law, yet it determines the range of the moral authority of laws in practice. In many ways, a Code is the core of an industrial relations system. The objects of a Code are: to maintain discipline and industrial pace, to achieve greater industrial harmony, to develop and promote a compatible system of labour relations to ensure justice and fairness, and change in" work attitudes and productivity. The structure of a Code must incorporate elements of the approach to dispute settlement; the criteria for recognition of unions for consultation, the status of grievance- and consultative-machinery, and the status of the partism. The book on the Codes of Practice addresses the question as to how these objectives have been aligned structurally in the industrial relations of six Asian countries; India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. The Indian Code of Discipline is such that the government is not a party to the agreements between management and union_ However, the government does keep the administrative machinery in good order. By structuring the agreements in three parts, responsibility is distributed in three spheres. For instance, industrial disputes, strikes, and lockouts have been placed in the joint sphere. Workload composition, employers' labour practices, and administrative responsiveness have been placed in the sphere of management, while the sphere of the union includes union activities. Thus, the Indian Code is prepared in such a way that violation of a single Code leads to total violation in both the joint and individual spheres. This dependence is both the substance and the moral authority ofthe Code.

A Panel Data Analysis of Foreign Direct Investment Inflows into India Since 1991 to 2015

2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Roohi Javed ◽  
Farheen Javed
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Direct Investment ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
Panel Data Analysis ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Fdi Inflows ◽  
Tax Haven ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Impact

At the outset, this study dwells on the ambiguities surrounding the definition of foreign direct investment (FDI) and the non-adherence to international norms in measuring the FDI inflows by India. The study finds that portfolio investors and round-tripping investments have been important contributors to India’s reported FDI inflows, thus, blurring the distinction between direct and portfolio investors on the one hand and foreign and domestic investors on the other. These investors were also the ones who have exploited the tax haven route the most. These observations acquire added significance in the context of the substantial fall in the inflows seen during 1991–1992 to April 2015–December 2015. FDI as a strategic component of investment is needed by India for achieving the economic reforms and maintaining the pace of growth and development of the economy. The government should design the FDI policy in such a way where FDI inflow can be utilised as a means of enhancing domestic production, savings and exports through the equitable distribution among states by providing much freedom to states, so that they can attract FDI inflows at their own level. The impact of FDI inflows into India in recent years is highly significant. JEL: C40, C82, E44, F210, G15

scholarly journals An interpretation of the statutory term worker: a reply to Geare

1970 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Isaacus K. Adzoxornu
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Independent Contractor ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
The Common ◽  
To Come ◽  
Definition Of

Under notnaal circumstances, I would have allowed Geare (1991) to indulge himself in the erroneous view that the interpretation of the tetna "worker" in the Labour Relations Act 1987 is confined to the common law "employee". lt is necessary however, to come out to defend my original thesis (Adzoxomu, 1990) that the tetna need not be so narrowly construed. Geare seeks to demonstrate, without the relevant historical or policy considerations, and more importantly, without the relevant canons of statutory construction, that his counter thesis is "in fact clearly superior" to mine (p.193). It is clear from the Geare's comment that he considers modern New Zealand industrial legislation to have preserved the master and servant relationship. The purpose of this reply is to reassert my original thesis that the definition of "worker" in the Labour Relations Act is liberal enough to cover an independent contractor and to demonstrate that the counter thesis of Geare is too conservative to meet the requirements of modern industrial relations. I shall achieve this purpose by addressing Geare's counter thesis under his own subheadings.

scholarly journals Principles of e-Governance

1970 ◽  
pp. 117-121
Author(s):  
Irina Kostenko
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Governance Mechanism ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
The World ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
State And Local ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Formulation of the problem. In the early 21st century, the concept of e-government, E-government, emerged in the world. The young independent Ukrainian state, which inherited the archaic governance mechanism, has not stayed away from this global trend. As of today, Ukraine has developed progressive regulatory framework for implementing any of the existing e-government models in the world. Ukraine, in terms of implementation of e-governance, is a young country. There is already some experience in the world practice, there are several basic models of e-government: Anglo-American, European, Asian models. Thus, the choice of topic was determined by the social and scientific relevance of the studied issue, the lack of its theoretical and methodological development. Formulating the purpose of the article. The purpose of the study is the content and principles of e-governance and the state of its implementation in the sphere of public administration of Ukraine. At the time of writing, the author came to the following conclusions. Today, there is no unanimous opinion in the scientific community regarding the definition of "e-governance". On the one hand, e-government is seen as a system of interagency interaction, as a concept of increasing the efficiency and transparency of the activity of public authorities, which should minimize the involvement of the official person. In the process of writing the work, the following definition was formed: e-government is a form of public administration that promotes the efficiency and transparency of the activity of state and local self-government bodies using information and telecommunication technologies to ensure the further development of a democratic society. Also, two additional principles were formulated in the analysis of e-Government principles in accordance with the Government Concept: the partnership principle and the responsibility of the official person. The principle of partnership is to perceive citizens and their associations as equal partners in the decision-making process. The law should specify the degree of responsibility of the official person for non-compliance with the adopted decisions.

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