scholarly journals Politics, Received Knowledge and the Subordination of indigenous Creativity

Author(s):  
Akinpelu O. Olutayo

All societies had their own pattern of development embedded in the means of exploitation of the environment around which certain social institutions were created to satisfy the ‘needs’ of the people. The colonial epoch, with its own needs, substituted the ‘needs’ of the colonized with its own and recommended new ways of satisfying these new needs. This process is still being recommended through the pattern of domination in ‘world institutions’ manifested through new ‘indigenous’ social institutions in the neo-colonial African states. Of utmost significance are the formal educational institutions, through which the political elites are created, characterized by a privileged status and a culture of subordination. The understanding of the underdevelopment process and its perpetuation in Africa cannot, therefore, be deciphered without an in-depth knowledge of the politics of colonialism, embedded in the ‘worldview’ of received knowledge from the (neo-) colonizing authorities, and enhanced through the subordination of indigenous creativity. In order words, the disjuncture in what constituted knowledge and creativity in the pre-colonial arrangement and that expected in the received domain, is the crux of transformation in Africa. How can Africa catch-up with the phenomenal movement of this airplane?

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”


Humaniora ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 264
Author(s):  
Yustinus Suhardi Ruman

Electoral democracy generates the political elites. Because these political elites are born through a democratic process, they are expected to practice their power in accordance to the basic principles of democracy. One of them is to open the opportunity and acces of people to participatie in decision making proceses. Nevertheless, the problem is that the political elites who were elected through electoral democracy tend to close the participation of citizen in policy making process. To analyze how the political elites formulated the policy and what the rationality of the policy was, this article used rational choice theory. Article used secondary data to analyze the problem. Results of the analysis showed that democracy in local level after elections was determined by rationality, preferences, and interests of the political elites. The practices of power of the elites in local level in the context of rational choice theory made opportunity and access for the people obstructed. It then affects the existing development policies reflect only rationality, preferences, and interests of some elites. 


Author(s):  
Bruno Mascitelli ◽  
Chiara De Lazzari

Until the 1970s, Italy’s population trajectory had demonstrated a clear propensity to be an emigrating nation. Over its almost 150-year history, it had witnessed four major phases of outward migration which had defined this country and created large diasporas across the globe. However, major changes began occurring to this demographic trajectory. It saw the unexpected arrival of large numbers of migrants from mostly poorer nations which it only reluctantly acknowledged. But, Italy was both unprepared and unconvinced to respond to this new phenomenon of incoming migration. Even though many of its European neighbours began to engage with this new and wider multicultural paradigm emerging in the 1980s, this multicultural approach never took hold in Italy. At the same time segments of the Italian education system were obliged to tackle recently arrived large numbers of migrants and their children requiring integrated models of education. While the political elites sought to remain immobile with large numbers of incoming immigrants, schools and educational institutions had little choice. Unfortunately, as this paper will demonstrate, this approach was mostly limited to the area of education. Although Interculturalism received a boost from its European Union promotion in 2008, it remained largely an activity exercised within the domain of public education. Fundamentally multiculturalism, like interculturalism were never officially embraced in Italy. While some sectors of society constructively engaged with interculturalism arguably as a different and more developed idea than multiculturalism, Italy and its policymakers continue to avoid engagement with migrant integration models whatever they be.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 713-739 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermann Pünder

Throughout the world, there is debate about how democratic systems should adapt to the demands of their increasingly emancipated citizenries. More than ever, people desire to take part in the creation of their life circumstances. The demand for participation is paired with a growing discontent with the political elites. This article looks at the challenges in the context of Germany's system of government, discussing the leading debates of democratic reform in the EU's largest member state with some incidental remarks on other countries. Specifically, the study analyzes two core components of representative democracy—the electoral process and the parliamentary decision-making procedure—and shows how they should be reformed to ensure political stability in the long run. As a measure for the analysis, the author develops a system of four preconditions, on which successful democratic government depends: Responsiveness and political leadership on the side of the elected representatives; preparedness for participation and acceptance on the part of the represented. The article shows that optimizing democracy on the basis of these pillars is not just advisable as a matter of political prudence. In fact, Germany's constitution, the Basic Law, contains a normative expectation towards the political elites that they continuously improve democracy and ensure its appropriate functioning.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-59
Author(s):  
Omololu Fagbadebo

This article interrogates the effectiveness of the requisites for constitutional provisions in respect of the promotion of accountability and good governance in South Africa and Nigeria. The article notes that the drafters of the Constitutions of the two countries made sufficient provisions for the regulation and control of the executive and legislative activities in a manner that could guarantee effective service delivery. These constitutional provisions, in line with the practices of their respective governing systems of the two countries, empower the legislature to hold the executive accountable. The article discovers that the lawmakers in the two countries lacked the capacity to harness the provisions for intended purposes. Using the elite theory for its analysis, the article argues that legislative oversight in South Africa and Nigeria is not as effective as envisaged in the constitutional provisions envisaged. This weakness has given rise to the worsening governance crises in the two countries in spite of their abundant economic and human resources. The article opines that the institutional structures of the political systems of the two countries, especially the dominant party phenomenon, coupled with the personal disposition of the political elites incapacitate the effective exercise of the oversight powers of legislatures in the two countries. The article, therefore, submits that the people of the two countries have to devise another means of holding their leaders accountable in the face of collaboration between the executive and the legislature to perpetuate impunity in the public space. Independent agencies should be more active in the exposure of unethical behaviours of the political elites, while the judiciary should be more independent in the dispensation of justice.


Populasi ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
M. Syahbudin Latief

This paper is about the process of election during democracy periode in Indonesia. The problem that usually accured during the election was the involvement of the elites in the process of election. Some elites, both from the political parties and from the village, usually interfering the process. The case in Gampeng shows that all elements have been working together in successing the process of election. Reflecting from the election process in Gampeng, the transition process towards more democratic government in Indonesia could be happen inpeace and harmony if there was honesty inside the political elites. They should more appreciate the voice from the people they were represented, instead of fighting for their own needs.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Kovačević

In the space of 47 years the Albania national football team played two games at the JNA stadium in Belgrade. At both games, events with a clear political content took place. At the 1967 game, a group of about 5,000 fans supported the Albania national team, some of whom wore qeleshes as a possible marker of Albanian ethnicity. The 2014 game, which was also a European Championship qualifier, was marked by the appearance of a drone carrying the Greater Albania flag, which descended towards the pitch. As players tried to get hold of the flag, a scuffle broke out and supporters invaded the pitch, with the result that the match was suspended. In this paper, both events are interpreted within the context of other political events in the region immediately preceding and following the matches. The events at the 1967 game are compared to the demonstrations in Pristina a year later. The comparison highlights differences in the political attitudes of the masses and the elites. While the masses had clear aspirations towards the unification of all Albanians, regardless of the situation in Albania at the time and Enver Hoxha’s Stalinist regime, the elite perceived the danger of these ideas and channeled the strategy toward solutions that appeared feasible, namely, the establishment of a republic within Yugoslavia. Again, at the game 47 years later, the drone with the message of Greater Albania was not the expression of the political will of the elite, who were aware that Albania’s and Kosovo’s current political positions do not allow for the abolishing of borders. In both cases, the political elites did not explicitly reject the idea of unification, as it would be politically inopportune to reject an idea that is prevalent in the cultural intimacy of the broad masses of the people, but it was sidelined and modified into unity within the broader context of integrations and breaking down of barriers in the region and in Europe.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kunal Debnath

Tamil politics in India has an enduring characteristic of a sub-nationalist orientation which,<br>sometimes, bares with the populist mobilization by the political parties of Tamil Nadu. Recently,<br>the working president of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, one of the prominent political parties of<br>Tamil Nadu, recycles the issue of Dravida Nadu, a hypothetical land for the Tamils own based<br>on their ethnonational identity, which had been dropped almost 55 years ago. Dravida Nadu<br>highlights the linguistic, cultural and ethnonational resistance against north-Indian dominated<br>pan-Indian nationalism. Cauvery water dispute, debate over Jallikattu, anti-Hindi stance, and<br>protest against the terms of reference of the Fifteenth Finance Commission are the signs of anticentre<br>campaign in Tamil politics and being used not only for upholding Tamil cultural<br>nationalism but for mobilizing the people in electoral combat zone in Tamil Nadu.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (01) ◽  
pp. 33-44
Author(s):  
Carl Rapp

In The Just State, Richard Dien Winfield has completed his exposition of the immanent logic of ethical life, the earlier parts of which are developed in his books The Just Economy, The Just Family, and Law in Civil Society. The purpose of his exposition is not to discuss isolated or miscellaneous topics pertaining to politics or ethics. Instead, his goal from the beginning has been to show objectively what justice looks like when it is fully embodied in a state's political and social institutions. The just state, as he presents it, is simply the largest possible political framework for maintaining equitable arrangements within a country's already established civil society, a framework that permits civil society to adjust to new contingencies as they arise, be they domestic or international. The purpose of the just state is to preserve, not to tamper with, the political and nonpolitical freedoms of its citizens. The essence of these freedoms is that they are all modes of self-determination, whereby what one does is freely determined by oneself and not by the arbitrary controlling authority of others. An individual whose life is determined by family, by tradition, or by commandment, is unfree. A state whose people are imposed on by a leadership class, or by any authority other than that of the people themselves, is likewise unfree. In order to establish freedom and justice, the citizens of a sovereign state must codetermine their own institutions. In accordance with this purpose, their institutions must be constructed in a particular way, which is the subject of The Just State.


Author(s):  
Anike J. M. Manuputty ◽  
Lodewyk Nahuway

ABSTRACT Social institutions are rules that apply in regulating human behavior in acting based on considerations of norms and values ​​that live in the life of society. This study aims to determine the existence and benefits of socio-cultural institutions in the Nuaulu tribe community. Data collection techniques with observation and in-depth interviews. Research informants came from elements of the state government, traditional leaders, youth leaders, educators and community leaders. The results of the data analysis concluded that hereditary customs strongly influenced the life of the Nuaulu people with the loyalty of the people in carrying out the prevailing institutions. The economic system and the community's livelihood system are farming, processing sago, gathering and laboring. The socio-cultural institutional arrangements are in the form of an adult ceremony for boys (Brokeneri), an adult ceremony for girls (pinamou), a wedding ceremony, a pregnancy ceremony, a birth ceremony, a haircut ceremony (tihtikuau) and a funeral ceremony. The structure of the kinship system is a patrilineal (male lineage) and it is not required to have intermarriage. Religious institutions and beliefs are tribal religions. Educational institutions, knowledge, and technology are based on experience (local knowledge) from generation to generation, and children of school age have attended various levels of education to tertiary education.  Keywords: Social Institutions, Nuaulu Tribe Community.


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