scholarly journals The Mahanubhavs

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Rigopoulos

The ascetic, devotional sect of the Mahanubhavs -Those of the greatexperience - arose, like the much more popular bhakti movement ofthe Vårkaris centred in Pandharpur, in thirteenth century Maharastra.If in the beginning the Mahanubhavs had a fairly rapid expansion, especiallyin the northern and eastern regions of Maharastra, around theend of the fourteenth century their movement went underground aimingat a defensive isolation from the larger Hindü context. They centredthemselves in remote areas and villages. Although the prominentleaders among the early Mahanubhavs were brahma's (often convertsfrom the prevailing advaita vaißñavism), their followers were and aremostly non-brahma's, that is, low caste people and even untouchables.Outside of their own closed circles Mahanubhavs were met with prejudiceand distrust, at least up to the beginning of the twentieth century.In this volume the author offers an overview of the origins and mainreligious and doctrinal characteristics of the Mahanubhavs, discussingthose aspects which appear especially revealing of their differenceand nonconformity.

2000 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-78
Author(s):  
Pavel Krafl

It was relatively early that the archbishops of Gniezno began to convoke provincial synods - the oldest dated assembly which is marked in the sources as a provincial synod took place as early as in 1210. But even before this synod another provincial synod took place in 1206 (?). In the beginning, i. e. in the thirteenth century, it is important to distinguish clearly between bishops' conventions, or colloquia, and provincial synods. The first statutes backed up with evidence are the statutes issued by Archbishop Henryk Kietlicz around 1217 in Kamień. Another important archbishop was Pełka (Fulko, 1232 - 1258). Two statutes issued by this metropolitan are still preserved. An important role in the system of provincial legislation was played by legates' synods and the legates' statutes which were proclaimed at them. A number of provincial synods was summoned by the archbishop of Gniezno Jakub Świnka (1285, 1287,1290,1298, 1306, 1309). Several not dated fragments of statutes originate from his time. In the fourteenth century the situation changes - the only two provincial synods that we know of are the synods of Janisław (1326) and Jarosław Bogoria Skotnicki (1357). „Synodyk“, the first attempt at codification of the legislation of Gniezno church province, comes from Skotnicki's synod. We cannot agree with referring to the assembly at Krakow from 1356 as to a provincial synod. Similarly, the „convencio generalis“ in Łęczyca in 1402 could not have been a provincial synod. Thus the first reliably proved provincial synod of the fifteenth century is the synod of Mikołaj.


Author(s):  
Kellen Jacobsen Follador

Resumo: O presente artigo aborda momentos da história do reino de Castela nos quais os judeus estiveram de, alguma forma, submetidos à violência e, como desmembramento, à conversão forçada. No reino de Castela, desde os tempos mais remotos os judeus eram considerados como uma comunidade à parte da cristã, sendo apenas tolerados pela mesma. A partir do século XIII essa tolerância sofre modificações que se acentuam ao longo do século XIV. No primeiro caso destacamos a participação de grupos religiosos como franciscanos e dominicanos no combate àquilo que consideravam as heresias judaicas contidas no Talmude e, no século XIV, episódios de violência relacionados à peste negra, conflito dinástico e pregações antijudaicas. Todos esses momentos de materialização da intolerância contra a comunidade judaica tiveram dentre suas consequências a morte ou a conversão de muitos judeus. Com o passar das décadas a intolerância contra os judeus foi estendida aos conversos que presenciaram o surgimento de um preconceito religioso e de uma intolerância que desacreditavam a religiosidade dos conversos. Palavras-chave: Antijudaísmo. Intolerância. Violência. Conversões. Abstract: This paper presents some moments in the history of Castile Kingdom in which Jewish people in some ways were subjected to violence and consequently to forced conversion. Since the earliest times Jewish people were regarded as a part of the Christian community in Castile Kingdom, just being tolerated by it. In the beginning in the thirteenth century this tolerance changed, and these changes increased throughout the fourteenth century. So, firstly, we emphasize the participation of religious groups such as Franciscans and Dominicans in fighting against what they considered Jewish heresies contained in the Talmud, and, secondly, in episodes of violence related to the Black Plague, dynastic conflict and anti-jewish sermons in the fourteenth century. All these moments of realization of intolerance against the Jewish community had among its consequences the death or conversion of many Jews. Over the decades intolerance against Jews was extended to converts who have witnessed the emergence of a religious prejudice and intolerance that discredited the religious converts. Keywords: Anti-Judaism. Intolerance. Violence. Conversions.


Author(s):  
Steven N. Dworkin

This short anthology contains extracts from three Castilian prose texts, one from the second half of the thirteenth century (General estoria IV of Alfonso X the Wise), one from the first half of the fourteenth century (El conde Lucanor of don Juan Manuel), and one from near the mid-point of the fifteenth century (Atalaya de las corónicas of Alfonso Martínez de Toledo, Arcipreste de Talavera). These passages illustrate in context many of the phonological, orthographic, morphological, syntactic, and lexical features of medieval Hispano-Romance described in the body of this book. A linguistic commentary discussing relevant forms and constructions, as well as the meaning of lexical items no longer used or employed with different meanings in modern Spanish, with cross references to the appropriate sections in the five main chapters, accompanies each selection.


Urban History ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Katalin Szende

Abstract This article revisits the origins of small towns in medieval Hungary from the perspective of their owners and seigneurs. The fourteenth-century development of small towns on the estates of private landowners resulted from the coincidence of several factors. Among these, the article considers the intersection of royal and private interests. The aristocrats’ concern to endow their estate centres with privileges or attract new settlers to their lands was dependent on royal approval; likewise, the right to hold annual fairs had to be granted by the kings, and one had to be a loyal retainer to be worthy of these grants. The royal model of supporting the mendicant orders, which were gaining ground in Hungary from the thirteenth century onwards, added a further dimension to the overlords’ development strategies. This shows that royal influence, directly or indirectly, had a major impact on the development of towns on private lands in the Angevin period (1301–87).


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Nahyan Fancy ◽  
Monica H. Green

AbstractThe recent suggestion that the late medieval Eurasian plague pandemic, the Black Death, had its origins in the thirteenth century rather than the fourteenth century has brought new scrutiny to texts reporting ‘epidemics’ in the earlier period. Evidence both from Song China and Iran suggests that plague was involved in major sieges laid by the Mongols between the 1210s and the 1250s, including the siege of Baghdad in 1258 which resulted in the fall of the Abbasid caliphate. In fact, re-examination of multiple historical accounts in the two centuries after the siege of Baghdad shows that the role of epidemic disease in the Mongol attacks was commonly known among chroniclers in Syria and Egypt, raising the question why these outbreaks have been overlooked in modern historiography of plague. The present study looks in detail at the evidence in Arabic sources for disease outbreaks after the siege of Baghdad in Iraq and its surrounding regions. We find subtle factors in the documentary record to explain why, even though plague received new scrutiny from physicians in the period, it remained a minor feature in stories about the Mongol invasion of western Asia. In contemporary understandings of the genesis of epidemics, the Mongols were not seen to have brought plague to Baghdad; they caused plague to arise by their rampant destruction. When an even bigger wave of plague struck the Islamic world in the fourteenth century, no association was made with the thirteenth-century episode. Rather, plague was now associated with the Mongol world as a whole.


1997 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 431-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony LÉvy

The ArgumentThe major part of the mathematical “classics” in Hebrew were translated from Arabic between the second third of the thirteenth century and the first third of the fourteenth century, within the northern littoral of the western Mediterranean. This movement occurred after the original works by Abraham bar Hiyya and Abraham ibn Ezra became available to a wide readership. The translations were intended for a restricted audience — the scholarly readership involved in and dealing with the theoretical sciences. In some cases the translators themselves were professional scientists (e.g., Jacob ben Makhir); in other cases they were, so to speak, professional translators, dealing as well with philosophy, medicine, and other works in Arabic.In aketshing this portrait of the beginning of Herbrew scholarly mathematics, my aim has been to contribute to a better understanding of mathematical activity as such among Jewish communities during this period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter John Worsley

Robson in 1983 and 1988 in his reconsideration of the poetics of kakawin epics and Javanese philology drew readers’ attention to the importance of genre for the history of ancient Javanese literature. Aoyama in his study of the kakawin Sutasoma in 1992, making judicious use of Hans Jauss’s concept of “horizon of expectation”, offered the first systematic discussion of the genre of Old Javanese literary works. The present essay offers a commentary on the terms which mpu Monaguna and mpu Prapañca, authors of the thirteenth century epic kakawin Sumanasāntaka and the fourteenth century Deśawarṇana, themselves, employ to refer to the generic characteristics of their poems. Mpu Monaguna referred to his epic poem as a narrative work (kathā), written in a prakṛt, Old Javanese, and rendered in the poetic form of a kakawin and finally as a ritual act intended to enable the poet to achieve apotheosis with his tutelary deity and his poem to be the means of transforming the world, in particular to ensure the wellbeing of the readers, listeners, copyists and those who possessed copies of his poetic work. Mpu Prapañca described his Deśawarṇana differently. Also written in Old Javanese and in the poetic form of a kakawin—he refers to his work variously as a narrative work (kathā), a chronicle (śakakāla or śakābda), a praise poem (kastawan) and also as a ritual act designed to enable the author in an ecstatic state of rapture (alangö), and filled with the power and omniscience of his tutelary deity, to ensure the continued prosperity of the realm of Majapahit and to secure the rule of his king Rājasanagara. The essay considers each of these literary categories.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
JILL ROSS

This article examines the role of French language and culture in the fourteenth-century Arthurian text, La Faula, by the Mallorcan, Guillem de Torroella. Reading the appropriation of French language and literary models through the lens of earlier thirteenth-century Occitan resistance to French political and cultural hegemony, La Faula’s use of French dialogue becomes significant in light of the political tensions in the third quarter of the fourteenth century that saw the conquest of the Kingdom of Mallorca by that of Catalonia-Aragon and the subsequent imposition of Catalano-Aragonese political and cultural power. La Faula’s clear intertextual debt to French literary models and its simultaneous ambivalence about the authority and reliability of those models makes French language into a space for the exploration of the dynamics of cultural appropriation and political accommodation that were constitutive of late fourteenth-century Mallorca.


1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dierk Lange

The Sēfuwa dynasty seized power in Kānem around 1075, but it was only in the beginning of the thirteenth century that the rulers of Kānem were able to extend their authority over Bornū. Prior to this move small groups of Saharan speakers had already established themselves among the Chadic speakers of the Komadugu Yobe valley. Towards the end of the reign of Dūnama Dībalāmi (c. 1210–48) the court of the Sēfuwa itself was shifted to Bornū, mainly as a result of disturbances in Kānem. Indeed, according to oral traditions of the sixteenth century, the Tubu, in alliance with certain members of the Sēfuwa aristocracy, staged a major rebellion against the central government, apparently attempting to resist the strict application of Islamic principles of government by Dūnama Dībalāmi. Towards the end of the thirteenth century powerful rulers were again able to establish the authority of the Sēfuwa on firm grounds: in the east, even on the fringes of Kānem, they brought the situation under strict control and in the west they extended – or confirmed – the political influence of the Sēfuwa dynasty over the focal points of interregional trade which began to rise in Hausaland. Thus Bornū became the central province of the Sēfuwa Empire in spite of the fact that several kings continued to reside temporarily in the old capital of Djīmī situated in Kānem. This major shift of their territorial basis affected the position of the Sēfuwa in their original homelands. Written sources from the end of the fourteenth century show that the increasing involvement of the Sēfuwa in Bornū and its western border states must have changed their attitude towards the people living east of Lake Chad: after having acquired the character of an autochthonous (or national) dynasty of Kānem – in spite of their foreign origin – the Sēfuwa progressively became an alien power in this major Sudanic state, even though the people of Kānem and Bornū were closely related. Furthermore, the rise of a powerful kingdom in the area of Lake Fitrī under the rule of the Bulāla became a serious threat to the Sēfuwa in their original homelands as the warrior aristocracy of the Bulāla state – which must have been of Kanembu origin – remained closely connected with the sedentary population of Kānem. When finally during the reign of 'Umar b. Idrīs (c. 1382–7), the Sēfuwa were forced by the Bulāla to withdraw their forces from Kānem, this territorial loss did not affect the future development of the Empire to the extent that has formerly been supposed, since losses in the east were largely compensated by earlier gains in the west.


1912 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 89-128
Author(s):  
H. G. Richardson

Until the thirteenth century records touching the parish clergy are scanty, but thereafter they increase in bulk and, with the fourteenth century, there exist, side by side, a number of literary works which afford more than a passing glance at their lives and deeds. The parish priests and clerks of these centuries were not perhaps typical of the mediaeval period, since no century or centuries will afford a type of any class or institution which will be true for the whole of the Middle Ages; and it is possible that the tenthcentury parish and its people resembled the parish and people of the fourteenth century as little—or as much—as the Elizabethan parish resembled the parish of the present day. The changes that affected so profoundly the organisation of the manor during the course of the Middle Ages did not leave its counterpart, the parish, unaltered; and the same economic forces that helped to make the villein a copyholder and serfdom an anachronism, helped also to raise the chaplain's wages from five to eight marks within thirty years of the Black Death. But although the


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