scholarly journals Integração, imaginação e política externa: as bases do paradigma sul-americano? / Integration, imagination and foreign policy: the bases of the South American paradigm?

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-497
Author(s):  
Roberto Goulart Menezes

O objetivo deste artigo é discutir a trajetória recente da integração regional a partir de uma perspectiva brasileira tendo como referência à política externa do governo Lula da Silva para a América do Sul. Na trajetória da integração sul-americana persistem problemas estruturais tais como a baixa complementaridade econômica, baixa interdependência, assimetrias, baixa capacidade da maioria dos Estados entre outros. Apesar dessas adversidades e entraves a integração segue no horizonte. Para lidar com os desafios da integração ao longo da última década, o Itamaraty passou a trabalhar com duas agendas: uma seletiva e a outra profunda.  Abstract: The aim of this work is to discuss the recent trajectory of the regional integration  from a Brazilian perspective taking into account the foreign policy of Lula da Silva government to South America. In this trajectory of the south American  integration persist structural problems such as low economic complementarity, low interdependence, asymmetries, low capacity of most states among others. Spite of these adversities and obstacles the integration follows in the horizon. To deal with the challenges  of the integration a long with the last decade, Itamaraty started to work with two agendas: selective and deep ones. 

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (spe) ◽  
pp. 151-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Gomes Saraiva

The aim of this article is to analyze Brazil's foreign policy towards the South American region during President Lula's administration. As such, the article intends to highlight two specific dimensions: the extent to which foreign policy during this period has differed from previous periods and the relative importance granted by Brazilian diplomacy to recent cooperation and integration efforts, more specifically the Unasur and Mercosur. The article argues that the Lula administration has behaved differently from its predecessors by prioritizing the building up of Brazilian leadership in South America on several different fronts, especially by strengthening multilateral institutions in the region


Author(s):  
Javier A. Vadell ◽  
Clarisa Giaccaglia

The roots of Latin American regionalism blend together with the birth of the region’s states, and despite its vicissitudes, the integrationist ideal represents the most ambitious form of regional feeling. It is an ancient process that has undergone continuous ups and downs as a result of domestic and foreign restrictions. In the early 21st century, the deterioration of the “open regionalism” strategy, along with the rise to power of diverse left governments, led to the development of a “physical-structural,” “post-liberal,” “post-neoliberal,” or “post-hegemonic” integration model. In this context, Brazil—governed by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva—constituted itself as a crucial protagonist and main articulator of the South American integrationist project. From this perspective, in addition to the existing MERCOSUR, UNASUR was created, and it encompassed the whole subcontinent, thus reaffirming the formulation of regional policies regarding the concept of “South America.” At present, however, a new stage of these regionalisms has started. Today, the Latin American and Caribbean dynamics seem to bifurcate, on the one hand, into a reissue of open regionalism—through the Pacific Alliance—and, on the other hand, into a fragmentation process of South America as a geopolitical bloc and regional actor in the global system. Regarding this last point, it is unavoidable to link the regional integration crisis to the critical political and economic situation undergone by Brazil, considered as the leader of the South American process. In short, the withdrawal of the Brazilian leadership in South America, along with the shifts and disorientations that took place in UNASUR and MERCOSUR, have damaged the credibility of the region’s initiatives, as well as the possibility to identify a concerted voice in South America as a distinguishable whole. That regional reality poses an interesting challenge that implies, to a great extent, making a heuristic effort to avoid being enclosed by the concepts and assumptions of the processes of regionalism and integration that were born to explain the origin, evolution, and development of the European Union. From this perspective, the authors claim that the new phase experienced by Latin American regionalisms cannot be understood as a lack of institutionality—as it is held by those perspectives that support the explanations that they “mirror” the European process—but rather it answers chiefly to a self-redefinition process influenced by significant alterations that occurred both in global and national conjunctures and that therefore, have had an impact on the regional logic. Given the regional historical tradition marked by vicissitudes, the authors believe that they can hardly talk about a “Sudamexit” (SouthAmexit in English) process, namely, an effective abandonment of regionalisms. Recognizing the distinctive features of Latin American and Caribbean countries, rather, leads us to think of dynamics that generate a complex and disorganized netting in which the political-institutional course of development of Brazil will have relevant repercussions in the future Latin American and Caribbean process as a whole.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseli Fiorin Gomes

In South America, regional integration has a plethora of overlapping initiatives. To investigate it, a postcolonial/decolonial approach is proposed to teach the theme in International Relations, based on the the art of Torres García, which supported, with the phrase "our north is the south", the need to change north-south power relations. Thus, it is aimed at forming critical subjects, rethinking the South American place in the world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-148
Author(s):  
Bernardo Salgado Rodrigues

Para que uma inserção internacional soberana de uma nação seja viável, deve-se necessariamente dispor de autonomia elevada para decidir acerca de suas políticas internas e externas. No que tange aos recursos naturais sul-americanos, a competição internacional pelas reservas, produção e renda está subordinada às geoestratégias dos Estados hegemônicos, que privilegiam a manutenção da ordem internacional em detrimento da defesa de interesses específicos dos Estados da América do Sul. Neste contexto, o presente artigo busca sistematizar uma estratégia de política externa no qual o uso e proveito dos recursos naturais sul-americanos seja endógeno, realizando uma análise dos principais recursos naturais da região e, simultaneamente, propondo a discussão acerca de uma política externa que abranja a soberania e autonomia dos recursos naturais. Palavras-chave: política externa, recursos naturais, América do Sul, soberania, integração regional.     Abstract: In a competitive and hierarchical international environment, the autonomy in the foreign policy of the States is indispensable for the decision of its internal and external policies. With respect to the South American natural resources, the international competition for reserves, production and income of these funds is subject to geostrategies of hegemonic states, which privilege the maintenance of its status quo in the international system over the defense of specific South America States' interests. In this context, it is essential to formulate a foreign policy strategy in which the use and advantage of South American natural resources is endogenous. By this context, this article aims to conduct an analysis of the main natural resources of the region and, at the same time, proposing the discussion of a foreign policy that covers the sovereignty and autonomy of natural resources. Keywords: foreign policy, natural resources, South America, sovereignty, regional integration.     Recebido em: outubro/2016; Aprovado em: abril/2017.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Herejk Ribeiro

The political crisis in Venezuela is one of the most important regional developments for Brazil in 2016, aside from its own domestic crisis and the election of Macri in Argentina. The interim government has showed willingness to undertake major changes in Brazil’s regional foreign policy. The Venezuelan crisis is a parameter to analyze the political realignments after years of stability, but slower than intended progress in South American regional integration. The initial support for venezuelan opposition against the Chavist government symbolizes a swerve towards uncertainty in Mercosur and happens in the context of pressure to sign extra-regional economic agreements. Currently, interim Brazilian leadership is playing the “democracy card”, although the disrespect for democracy is not an exclusive feature of Venezuela in South America, but a recurring phenomenon in the region. Instead of blaming any side for the crisis, Brazil should use Unasur mechanisms to extinguish the fire and work for a middle path in the troubled transition of power in Venezuela. Thus, Brazil could revitalize Mercosur and persuade the South American leaders on the benefits of regionalism over unrestrained globalization. Otherwise, the Brazilian government may lose their bargaining position as a regional leader and interlocutor with the outside world; and South America may have a disordered process of globalization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias David Morales Martinez ◽  
Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra

The paper aims to analyze the performance of UNASUR in its first initial phase of activities in cases of democratic crises that happened in South America, during the period 2008-2015. Thus, it examines the cases of Bolivia (2008), Ecuador (2010), Paraguay (2012) and Venezuela (2014-2015). The central hypothesis of this study is that the defense of democracy and its institutions has been incorporated as one of the fundamental elements of the organization. Therefore, UNASUR is guided by political dialogue and consensus building for the maintenance of the democratic order in the South American countries and, consequently, a deepening of the regional integration process. It is argued that UNASUR includes democracy as one of its core values and acts to defend it in unstable situation. Therefore, the strengthening of the organization depends, among other factors, on its ability to resolve conflicts and promote democracy in the continent.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-330
Author(s):  
Yanina García Skabar ◽  
Matilde Nicolini

During the warm season 2002-2003, the South American Low-Level Jet Experiment (SALLJEX) was carried out in southeastern South America. Taking advantage of the unique database collected in the region, a set of analyses is generated for the SALLJEX period assimilating all available data. The spatial and temporal resolution of this new set of analyses is higher than that of analyses available up to present for southeastern South America. The aim of this paper is to determine the impact of assimilating data into initial fields on mesoscale forecasts in the region, using the Brazilian Regional Atmospheric Modeling System (BRAMS) with particular emphasis on the South American Low-Level Jet (SALLJ) structure and on rainfall forecasts. For most variables, using analyses with data assimilated as initial fields has positive effects on short term forecast. Such effect is greater in wind variables, but not significant in forecasts longer than 24 hours. In particular, data assimilation does not improve forecasts of 24-hour accumulated rainfall, but it has slight positive effects on accumulated rainfall between 6 and 12 forecast hours. As the main focus is on the representation of the SALLJ, the effect of data assimilation in its forecast was explored. Results show that SALLJ is fairly predictable however assimilating additional observation data has small impact on the forecast of SALLJ timing and intensity. The strength of the SALLJ is underestimated independently of data assimilation. However, Root mean square error (RMSE) and BIAS values reveal the positive effect of data assimilation up to 18-hours forecasts with a greater impact near higher topography.


Author(s):  
Mikhail Valer'evich Gorbachev

  This article discusses the political projects of civilizational level, which are designed and implemented in South America. The author examines MERCOSUR as the largest regional civilizational political project, its sociocultural foundation and institutional superstructure; functionality of the “core state” in formation and maintenance of the South American civilizational political project; problems of development and future implementation. The article reveals conflict potential of MERCOSUR, as well as sociocultural capabilities for its overcoming by the “core state” of the project. The research was conducted via application of civilizational-project methodology of interpretation of policy, which is based on methodological synthesis of the principles of project approach with provisions of the theory of civilizations. The author was able to determine the value grounds of MERCOSUR, which comprise its sociocultural foundation; identify the countries competing for status of the “core state” within the framework of this project. The nature of commonality between the key participants of the projects is identified. Problems and prospect of further development of MERCOSUR civilizational projects are defined.  


1904 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Worthington C. Ford ◽  
Frederic L. Paxson

2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (11) ◽  
pp. 3457-3476 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. S. Taschetto ◽  
I. Wainer

Abstract. The Community Climate Model (CCM3) from the National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCAR) is used to investigate the effect of the South Atlantic sea surface temperature (SST) anomalies on interannual to decadal variability of South American precipitation. Two ensembles composed of multidecadal simulations forced with monthly SST data from the Hadley Centre for the period 1949 to 2001 are analysed. A statistical treatment based on signal-to-noise ratio and Empirical Orthogonal Functions (EOF) is applied to the ensembles in order to reduce the internal variability among the integrations. The ensemble treatment shows a spatial and temporal dependence of reproducibility. High degree of reproducibility is found in the tropics while the extratropics is apparently less reproducible. Austral autumn (MAM) and spring (SON) precipitation appears to be more reproducible over the South America-South Atlantic region than the summer (DJF) and winter (JJA) rainfall. While the Inter-tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) region is dominated by external variance, the South Atlantic Convergence Zone (SACZ) over South America is predominantly determined by internal variance, which makes it a difficult phenomenon to predict. Alternatively, the SACZ over western South Atlantic appears to be more sensitive to the subtropical SST anomalies than over the continent. An attempt is made to separate the atmospheric response forced by the South Atlantic SST anomalies from that associated with the El Niño – Southern Oscillation (ENSO). Results show that both the South Atlantic and Pacific SSTs modulate the intensity and position of the SACZ during DJF. Particularly, the subtropical South Atlantic SSTs are more important than ENSO in determining the position of the SACZ over the southeast Brazilian coast during DJF. On the other hand, the ENSO signal seems to influence the intensity of the SACZ not only in DJF but especially its oceanic branch during MAM. Both local and remote influences, however, are confounded by the large internal variance in the region. During MAM and JJA, the South Atlantic SST anomalies affect the magnitude and the meridional displacement of the ITCZ. In JJA, the ENSO has relatively little influence on the interannual variability of the simulated rainfall. During SON, however, the ENSO seems to counteract the effect of the subtropical South Atlantic SST variations on convection over South America.


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