scholarly journals MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD ACTIVITY IN EGYPT (20th – EARLY 21st CENTURIES)

2020 ◽  
pp. 52-56
Author(s):  
N. Lutsenko
Keyword(s):  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Political ◽  
Egyptian Revolution ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Anwar Sadat ◽  
Main Ideas ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
The Military

The article examines the origins of political Islam in the Middle East and the terminological aspect of the problem. The stages of the formation of the Egyptian Islamic organization Muslim Brotherhood were clarified and its key ideological tenets were established. The political and socio-economic circumstances in which the organization was formed are outlined. Attention is drawn to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the military and economic presence in Egypt of the United Kingdom, which consolidated political Islamic parties. The process of transforming the Muslim Brotherhood from a "group of like-minded people" into a political party is considered. The political and legal ideas of the founder of the organization Hasan al-Banna are covered. which became the main strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood. The situation of the organization in the 30's and 40's was analyzed during the attempt of Nazi Germany to turn the Brothers into their own puppet. The article reveals the role in the organization of its ideologist Said Qutb. His main ideas and views, which formed the basis of the radical Muslim Brotherhood branch, are analyzed. The link between the radicalism of the organization and the ultra-conservative trend of Islam - "Salafism" - was noted. The connection of the Muslim Brotherhood with the Free Officers organization, which came to power in Egypt in 1952, has been disclosed. It was stated that the Brothers supported General Gamal Nasser in the struggle for power, which allowed them to take part in the parliamentary elections. It is stated that the Brothers' criticism of the policies of Gamal Nasser and Anwar Sadat on Israel led to a ban of the organization's activities in Egypt. It has been established that under the presidency of Hosni Mubarak, the "Brothers" tried to enter parliament in other parties. The place and role of the organization during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, which led the Muslim Brotherhood to power, were examined. The main reasons for the failure of the organization are indicated.

scholarly journals A commitment to politics: the trajectory of the Muslim Brotherhood during Egypt's 2011–13 political opening

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Wilmot
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military ◽  
Islamist Movement ◽  
Rare Opportunity

Prior to the 2011 Arab uprisings, Islamist parties in most Arab states had been systematically prevented from exercising any meaningful authority in government. Following President Hosni Mubarak's ousting from power in 2011, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) established a political party – the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) – and formally entered mainstream politics, providing a rare opportunity to examine the role of an Islamist party in the context of democratic transition. Contrary to concerns that the MB might use Egypt's political opening to install an undemocratic regime, the movement instead committed itself to electoral politics and consistently adhered to the framework for political transition. An analysis of the MB's political trajectory during the 2011–13 timeframe reveals that the movement endeavoured to protect Egypt's democratic transition against the encroachment of the military and the judiciary. Despite the FJP's efforts, sustained interference by non-elected institutions brought Egypt's democratic experiment to a premature end. This course of events confirms that an Islamist movement is capable of fully committing to politics, but also indicates that political commitment alone is insufficient to ensure a successful transition to democratic governance.

Anatomy of the Egyptian Counterrevolution

2014 ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
A. Korotaev ◽  
L. Isaev
Keyword(s):  
Urban Poor ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The authors analyze roots, causes and implications of both major political events that took place in Egypt in the last three years, namely the Tahrir Revolution of 2011 and what they call the Counterrevolution of 2013. Focus of the article is on the role of the military and the Islamists. The young educated democrats of middle class who initiated the revolution in 2011 under the slogans of combatting autocratic and corrupt government were joined by the poverty-stricken population of Cairo, by the desolate and unemployed and – what was especially important – by the Muslim Brotherhood. This combination of forces proved too strong for the army and government, Mubarak had to resign. But the urban poor who played a decisive role in the victory of the revolution had always been under a very strong influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, so it was inevitable that free and fair elections would bring the Islamists to power. Moursi became President. The Islamists, however, made a number of grave mistakes while in power, and the old elites, both economic and military/bureaucratic, did their best to sabotage the government policy. At last the army (supported by the Egyptian economic elites) came on top, so both the Muslim Brothers and the young secular democrats have lost.

scholarly journals A formação histórica e o engajamento político da Irmandade Muçulmana síria sob a perspectiva da Teologia Pública/The historical background and the political engagement of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood from the perspective of Public Theology

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-341
Author(s):  
Marcos Alan S. V. Ferreira ◽  
Gary Rainer Chumacero Vanderlei ◽  
Gisele Bellinati
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Public Theology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

Ao longo do tempo a comunidade internacional tem presenciado o surgimento de grupos religiosos capazes de ultrapassar as fronteiras nacionais. Estes fenômenos são observados atualmente em casos como os de Egito e Síria, nas quais suas agitações políticas têm sido comumente interpretadas como vinculadas às práticas de grupos religiosos. Dentre estes grupos, a Irmandade Muçulmana (IM) tem sido um dos principais atores no Oriente Médio. O presente artigo busca compreender as peculiaridades da formação política da IM Síria nas duas primeiras décadas de sua formação (1947-1963) através da aplicação do conceito de teologia pública. Ao olhar em perspectiva comparada a IM egípcia com a síria, a pesquisa mostra que as percepções destes grupos não são uniformes, de maneira que o grupo sírio tem mostrado em sua história um comportamento político singular em comparação com sua matriz egípcia. Tal diferenciação auxilia na compreensão do papel político de ambos os grupos para futuras análises.Palavras-chave: Teologia Pública; Irmandade Muçulmana; Religião; Síria; Egito.  Abstract: Over time the international community has witnessed the emergence of religious groups able to transcend national borders. These phenomena are observed currently in cases like those of Egypt and Syria, in which his political agitations have been commonly interpreted as linked to the practices of religious groups. Within these groups, the Muslim Brotherhood has been a key player in the Middle East. This article seeks to understand the peculiarities of the political formation of Syrian Muslim Brotherhood in the first two decades of its formation (1947-1963) according the concept of public theology. It is applied for this analysis the concept of public theology. When looking from a comparative perspective the Egyptian and Syrian Muslim Brotherhoods, this research shows that perceptions of these groups are not uniform, in which the Syrian branch has shown in its history a singular political behavior compared to Egyptian branch. This distinction helps to comprehend the political role of both groups for further analysis.Keywords: Public Theology; Muslim Brotherhood; Religion; Syria; Egypt.

scholarly journals The Image of Hamas in the Egyptian Press After the January Revolution: An Analytical Study on Sample of Egyptian Newspapers

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 76-85
Author(s):  
Mahmoud Ayash ◽  
Ayman Khamis ◽  
Ihab Awais
Keyword(s):  
Private Sector ◽  
Analytical Study ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Negative Image ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military

The political frame to the Egyptian newspapers has played a key role in drawing the image of Hamas within the media content published on Al-Ahram, Al-Ahram, Al-Masry Al-Youm, and Horya and Adalah. Where the image of Hamas in the newspaper Al-Ahram is largely neutral, reflecting the position of the Egyptian authorities, which was represented by the Military Council for 6 months and the presidency of President Mohamed Morsi 6 months other, while the coverage of the newspaper Al-Masry Al-Youm was very hostile to Hamas and the apparent efforts of the contact person to A negative image of Hamas, based on the negative position adopted by the private sector financed by the newspaper, which belongs to the majority of the liberal movement against the Islamic movement in general, and the newspaper of Horya and Adalah has worked absolutely to paint a positive image of Hamas, This is due to the intellectual connection between the Muslim Brotherhood, which is affiliated with the newspaper and Hamas. The study recommends in light of the results of the study, the media should focus on the issues of Palestine, including Hamas, as the issue of Palestine is of paramount importance in the present and future of the whole nation, as well as media officials inside Hamas and its spokesmen, In order to ensure a satisfactory presence of the Palestinian narrative to confront deliberate misrepresentation of the Palestinians.

“Our Cherished Political System”: Secularism and the Muslim Brotherhood through the Lens of Canadian Media

1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-61
Author(s):  
Sarah Moselle
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
English Language ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Popular Media ◽  
The Political ◽  
Egyptian Revolution ◽  
Political Protests ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Key Terms

 The resignation of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in February, 2011 in the face of massive political protests and demonstrations prompted a flurry of media attention in Canada. Popular media outlets were rife with speculation regarding the political future of Egypt’s foremost Islamist party, the Muslim Brotherhood. This article reports findings of an analysis of three news articles published in each of Canada’s two leading national English-language newspapers, the Globe and Mail and the National Post, in February 2011, using the key terms "Muslim Brotherhood" and "Egyptian Revolution." This analysis revealed a deep ambivalence regarding the place of secularism within democracy. In order to promote their respective ideological agendas of "open" and "closed" secularism respectively, the Globe and Mail and the National Post suppressed the historical and political complexities that facilitated the growth of the Muslim Brotherhood and differentiate it from other Islamist parties. This article highlights those complexities by examining the socio-political context that gave birth to the Muslim Brotherhood, the ways in which the Brotherhood differs from other Islamist parties, its response to autocratic control, and its relationship to democracy. In doing so, this investigation underscores the foundations of Canada’s ambivalence toward secularism at home and abroad.

scholarly journals Performing (for) Populist Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-321
Author(s):  
Joel W. Abdelmoez
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Military Leadership ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Gender Constructions ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Military

Abstract In July 2013, after months of protest, Egypt’s first democratically elected president, Mohammed Morsi, was ousted by the Egyptian armed forces. The Muslim Brotherhood, who supported Morsi, took to the streets, chanting and singing against the ousting, which they termed a military coup, while supporters of Sisi, who viewed it as a revolution, began producing songs to show their allegiance to the military leadership. While abundant research has been conducted on the role of oppositional and revolutionary music in Egypt since 2011, relatively little has been done on the widely popular pro-military music sometimes known as watani music. Watani songs are a genre of patriotic music made by popular artists to show their allegiance to the Egyptian armed forces. In this paper I examine the surge of watani songs and trace their history back to the Nasser era, thereby showing a continuity in style as well as content. I further argue that there are connections between nationalism and gender constructions, as the national project comes with obligations for men to offer their bodies to the cause. This obligation is aided by constructions about ‘male bravery’ and ‘courage’ that are designed to make men believe that military service is somehow essential to masculinity. Watani music, whether commissioned or not, fits well with this mythology of military men. It forms an ideological undercurrent, supports the narrative that it is necessary for patriotic military men to bravely safeguard the nation against its enemies.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

Mental well-being interventions in the military: The ten key principles

2021 ◽  
pp. bmjmilitary-2020-001740
Author(s):  
Erin G Lawrence ◽  
N Jones ◽  
N Greenberg ◽  
N T Fear ◽  
S Wessely ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Raising Awareness ◽  
Mental Health Interventions ◽  
External Training ◽  
The Military ◽  
Mental Well Being ◽  
Single Versus

Organisations including the United Kingdom Armed Forces should seek to implement mental health interventions to increase the psychological well-being of their workforce. This editorial briefly presents ten key principles that military forces should consider before implementing such interventions. These include job-focused training; evaluating interventions; the use of internal versus external training providers; the role of leaders; unit cohesion, single versus multiple session psychological interventions; not overgeneralising the applicability of interventions; the need for repeated skills practice; raising awareness and the fallibility of screening.

The Role of the M.P. in Tanzania

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Authority Relationships ◽  
New States ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
The Military ◽  
National Legislatures

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.

A Kingdom Cleared of Castles: the Role of the Castle in the Campaigns of Robert Bruce

2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CORNELL
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
The North ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
War Effort ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Value

In 1314 the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were seized and destroyed by Robert Bruce. This was the pinnacle of a policy by which Bruce systematically slighted the castles he seized in Scotland. The reign of Edward II has been seen as a period in which the military value of the castle was in decline and by analysing the role the castle played in the campaigns of Bruce it is possible to assess the importance a successful contemporary commander attached to the castle during this period. Bruce had first-hand experience of the castle at war and knew of its limitations. In 1306, however, he seized and garrisoned a number of castles preparing to use them for a specific purpose, but defeat in the field rendered them redundant. On his return in 1307 Bruce initiated a policy of destruction. Castles in the north of Scotland were slighted as they were the regional focus of the political power of his Scottish enemies, and militarily they were of little value to Bruce. In the Lowlands the first-rate castles of Scotland were destroyed precisely because they were so militarily powerful. Bruce recognised that these castles, used aggressively, were indispensable to the English war effort, and consequently he undertook a prolonged and expensive campaign to reduce them, a campaign which involved the tactic of both surprise assault and, more importantly, the set-piece siege. In 1314 the imminent English campaign led Bruce to launch an unprecedented offensive against the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling. These castles were subsequently slighted despite their inextricable association with the Scottish Crown. Bruce recognised that, unlike the English, he did not need to occupy castles in Scotland to fight the war. Although in Ireland a small number of castles were occupied, and Berwick was also garrisoned by Scottish troops, in northern England Bruce did not attempt to occupy English castles. Those which were seized were destroyed, an indication that Bruce never intended a conquest of Northumberland. Indeed Bruce never undertook a serious campaign aimed at the seizure of the first-rate castles of Northumberland despite their frequently perilous state. Instead he sought to gain political capital by threatening their loss and so placing enormous pressure on the English Crown. That the castle featured prominently in the campaigns of Bruce demonstrates it was not in decline. Bruce understood the continued military and political value of the castle, but he was able to exploit its inherent vulnerabilities in order to gain victory in war.

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