scholarly journals Mawlana Mawdudi’s Concept of Political Islam

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-148
Author(s):  
Izzat Raazia ◽  
Hassan Shakeel Shah

Syed Abul A'la Mawdudi was a Muslim scholar, ideological thinker, philosopher, jurist and journalist. He worked for the revival of Islam and disseminated his understanding of ‘true Islam’. This paper is categorized into two sections. The first section of this paper aims to explore the concept of Mawlana Mawdudi regarding political Islam and his role as a 20th century Islamic revivalist. The second section deals with critique of Mawlana Wahiduddin Khan on Mawlana Mawdudi’s powerful Islamic ideology. Mawlana Mawdudi viewed Islam as the religion that is all-encompassing and Islamic state as universal that should not be limited to a particular geographical region and Muslims should strive for the establishment of Islamic state through Islamic revolution. In Mawlana Khan’s ‘The Political Interpretation of Islam’, he considered Mawlana Mawdudi’s distinctly political interpretation as problematic.

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
T. G. Korneeva

The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-174
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy ◽  
Amri Yusra

This article aims to look at the political views of the Jaringan Islam Liberal (Liberal Islam Network) in Indonesia. As a community that wants to carry out reforms with the spirit of modernization and rationality in religion, seeing it in political and democratic contestation in Indonesia is interesting. So this article questions two things; how does Jaringan Islam Liberal view the relevance of religion and politics? and how does Jaringan Islam Liberal view the implementation of democracy? The method used in this paper is a literature study that seeks to collect data from journal articles, books, and other related reading materials. This article shows that the Jaringan Islam Liberal (Liberal Islam Network) rejects forms of political Islam that try to formally fight for the superiority of Islamic value systems and symbols in the political sphere. They also reject the idea of an Islamic state and the formalization of shari'ah, and sees democracy as a value that must be implemented in a country. This is because it is in accordance with the basic rights that must be owned by individuals, which are known as human rights.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-523
Author(s):  
Abdelilah Belkeziz

Through an examination of the different types of relationships between religion and the state, this article argues that the two extremes of this relationship – namely, the case whereby the state exploits religion and the one where it tries to banish it – ultimately lead to the emergence of political Islam as a reaction. Political Islam can be seen as employing religion to gain political power, hence reinforcing the worldly aspects and self-interest of a certain group at the expense of intellectual, ethical and doctrinal considerations. Practically speaking, political Islam has pushed the idea of an Islamic state to suicidal theocratic ends. The main factor behind the ascent of Islamists to political power is the political vacuum resulting from the retreat of the left, added to absolute obstructionism in the political domain. In an attempt to redeem religion and the state in contemporary Arab society and end the struggle between Islamists and secularists, four suggestions are presented: (1) recognition of the right of any political movement to derive its basic ethos from religion, or religious heritage, on condition that this is considered a personal endeavour rather than a religious issue; (2) stressing the civil nature of all parties, whether secular or religious; (3) respecting the civil nature of the state; and (4) abiding by the democratic circulation of power. In sum, a revitalization of the modern state system is inevitable.


Significance Almost two years on from Morsi's removal from office in 2013 mainstream Islamist movements in the region find themselves caught between an authoritarian crackdown led by Egypt and the Gulf on the one hand, and the sudden rise of Islamic State group (ISG) on the other. With political participation discredited, these two pressures are forcing Muslim Brotherhood-inspired movements to revise ideology and strategy as they compete to maintain and expand their constituencies. Impacts Mainstream Islamists will remain a significant political force in the region, but take years to regroup. Long-term stability will depend on allowing non-violent Islamists access to the political sphere. Younger Islamists will be increasingly attracted to radical ideologies. Egypt's slide into a more oppressive police state will continue. Saudi Arabia has put aside differences with Qatar and Turkey over political Islam for now -- but the dispute could resurface.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rikza Muqtada

<p class="Iabstrak"><strong>Abstract:</strong> <em>This paper aims to study Muhammed Arkoun’s political interpretation thought about the ideal state. He shows that each political contestation often uses religion as a legitimation of political interest. Many of discourses in Qur’an, such as old narratives of Qur’an </em>(<em>amtsal al-Qur’an</em>)<em>, is often presented to modify the existing political conditions. Moreover, some of the terms of Quranic discourse, like as ‘Muslim’ or ‘Kafir’ </em>(<em>infidel</em>)<em>, is always in a binary position to create sharp differences between the militant and the opposition. The Qur'anic discourses, intentionally or not, since the time of revealing of the Qur’an has been dragged into the political territory as well the theological territory, so it is able to change the profane history into the sacred story with the great power of sacralization. Although the Qur’an is within the dialectic area, some of Islamist always reduces the meaning of Qur’an to support their agenda in realizing the Islamic State </em>(<em>Khilafah Islamiyah</em>)<em>. For Arkoun, that desire is a utopian politics idea and nothing more than an interpretation of religious texts. There is no agreement among the people about the ideal state concept. Therefore, Arkoun offers the concept of ideal state is if religious authorities and political authorities apply their function professionally yet integrated.</em></p><strong>Abstrak:</strong> Tulisan ini menggagas pemikiran tafsir politik Muhammed Arkoun tentang negara ideal. M. Arkoun menggambarkan bahwa dalam setiap kontestasi politik sering menyeret agama sebagai legitimasi pemangku kepentingan. Wacana-wacana dalam al-Qur’an seperti teladan-teladan kuno (<em>amthāl</em> <em>al-Qur’an</em>) sering dihadirkan untuk memodifikasi kondisi politik yang ada. Selain itu, beberapa istilah dalam wacana al-Qur’an, seperti ‘Muslim’ dan ‘kafir’, diposisikan biner untuk menciptakan perbedaan tajam antara kelompok militan dan oposan. Wacana-wacana qur’ani tersebut, dengan sengaja atau tidak, sejak masa turunnya ayat telah diseret masuk ke dalam wilayah politik sekaligus wilayah teologis, sehingga mampu mengubah sejarah yang profan menjadi kisah sakral dengan kekuasaan sakralisasi yang besar. Meskipun al-Qur’an berada dalam ruang dialektis yang bebas, oleh sebagian kelompok Islamis pemaknaan al-Qur’an direduksi dan dibawa untuk mendukung agenda mewujudkan <em>Islamic State </em>(negara Islam). Bagi Arkoun, keinginan tersebut merupakan gagasan politik yang utopis dan tak lebih dari sebuah interpretasi atas teks agama. Tidak ada kesepakatan di kalangan umat mengenai konsep negara ideal. Karena itu, Arkoun menawarkan konsep negara ideal adalah jika otoritas keagamaan dan otoritas politik berlaku sesuai dengan fungsinya namun tetap terintegrasi.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Ahmad Nur Fuad

<p>This article deals with the interrelation between Islamic fundamentalism and other ideological orientations of contemporary Islamist movements, such as Islamism, revivalism, radicalism, salafism, and political Islam. It tries to explore the similarities in their characteristics as well as their differences in the focuses and strategies of the movements. This articles argues that these Islamist movements express their ideological aspirations in different ways: some try to build an Islamic state or even a universal Islamic caliphate (political Islam), while others emphasize much more on the implementation of shari’ah in the level of individuals and society, apart from state (salafis). However, they did not succeed yet in transforming the political landscape of the Muslim world in accordance with their ideological framework.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.


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