The Political Interpretation of Act on Anti Graft

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-203
Author(s):  
Hyunjin Kim
2016 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Jaime Almansa Sánchez

While Archaeology started to take form as a professional discipline, Alternative Archaeologies grew in several ways. As the years went by, the image of Archaeology started being corrupted by misconceptions and a lot of imagination, and those professionals that were claiming to be scientists forgot one of their first responsibilities; the public. This lack of interest is one of the reasons why today, a vast majority of society believes in many clichés of the past that alternative archaeologists have used to build a fictitious History that is not innocent at all. From UFOs and the mysteries of great civilizations to the political interpretation of the past, the dangers of Alternative Archaeologies are clear and under our responsibility. This paper analyzes this situation in order to propose a strategy that may make us the main characters of the popular imagery in the mid-term. Since confrontation and communication do not seem to be effective approaches, we need a change in the paradigm based on Public Archaeology and the increase of our presence in everyday life.


Author(s):  
Trine Flockhart

This chapter outlines a historical conceptual framework for understanding how liberal order came to be what it is today and how it has been imagined under different conditions and contexts across four centuries of intermingled liberal ordering practices and liberal ideas about world order. It asks ‘what is “the liberal” in liberal world order?’ and points to the use of narrativity and shared knowledge for constituting otherwise neutral concepts as liberal concepts. The aim is to increase our understanding of the political present by imbuing the past with historical meaning and political interpretation. For this purpose the chapter incorporates insights from constructivist and critical thinking, as well as from historical sociology and practice theory.


1964 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fergus Millar

No analysis of the political character of the Empire can avoid the question of finance. The various sources of revenue of the Emperor and the res publica, the role of the private wealth of the Emperor, the nature of his control over public funds, the question of how and when various public revenues were taken by him—a satisfactory political interpretation of the early Empire must take account of all these.This article attempts merely to take a second preliminary step towards such an interpretation. Its aim is to set out as clearly as possible the evidence as to the nature of the Aerarium and the functions of its officials, and, above all, to avoid the anachronistic approach which our language itself so readily invites. Not all anachronistic views of the subject have had the beautiful obviousness of Ramsay's contribution: even to speak of the ‘world-wide financial administration’ of the Aerarium will prove to be misleading.


Author(s):  
Justine Lacroix

This chapter examines a number of key concepts in Hannah Arendt's work, with particular emphasis on how they have influenced contemporary thought about the meaning of human rights. It begins with a discussion of Arendt's claim that totalitarianism amounts to a destruction of the political domain and a denial of the human condition itself; this in turn had occurred only because human rights had lost all validity. It then considers Arendt's formula of the ‘right to have rights’ and how it opens the way to a ‘political’ conception of human rights founded on the defence of republican institutions and public-spiritedness. It shows that this ‘political’ interpretation of human rights is itself based on an underlying understanding of the human condition as marked by natality, liberty, plurality and action, The chapter concludes by reflecting on the so-called ‘right to humanity’.


2014 ◽  
Vol 107 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nestor Kavvadas

AbstractA remarkable letter of the Patriarch of Constantinople Ioannes Kalekas to the Metropolitan Gregorios of Trebizond announces the excommunication of the illegitimate second wife of the Emperor of Trebizond, the Megas Komnenos Basileios, and simultaneously threatens the latter with the same punishment, if he should not return to his rightful spouse - a daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Andronikos III Palaiologos - as well as the Metropolitan himself, if he should not stop supporting his Emperor. Although this letter is an example of the political instrumentalisation of excommunication under Kalekas (and during the entire civil wars), it resists a straightforward political interpretation, because Kalekas and his political friends in Constantinople seem not to have had stable alliances in contemporary Trebizond. But the unusually vehement accusations against Gregorios of Trebizond launched in this letter by Kalekas, who was then taking measures against the advancing erosion of the episcopate in Asia Minor, reveal the direct goal of the Patriarch: to prepare in due form, by means of the excommunication threat, the deposition of Gregorios and his replacement by a prelate of his confidence - which is precisely what Kalekas did as soon as Basileios died and Gregorios was left without support.


1977 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. McKinlay ◽  
R. Little

Two views, founded on divergent rationales, have been used to explain the allocation of official bilateral aid. One view explains the allocation of aid in terms of the humanitarian needs of the recipient, the other in terms of the foreign policy interests of the donor. Although the foreign policy view is now clearly dominant, it has not been developed systematically. This paper initially develops an analytic foreign policy model of aid allocation. The model suggests that the provision of aid leads to the establishment of commitment and dependency, enabling the donor to realize certain foreign policy utilities. These utilities in turn allow the donor to pursue its interests. These interests may be ordered into five substantive foreign policy models. The main research objective of the paper is to test these models in the context of U.S. aid by making a cross-national, longitudinal study of the distribution of U.S. aid over the years 1960- 1970. We find that the foreign policy model which best explains the allocation of U.S. aid is one that is consonant with the political interpretation of imperialism.


Author(s):  
Panu Minkkinen

This chapter begins by examining the origins of agonism in the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche’s early text “Homer’s Contest.” It then attempts to formulate a political interpretation of agonism that could provide law and legal studies a post-Marxist and Nietzschean critical position in which democracy is central. A first attempt at the formulation is an analysis of the constitutional theorist Carl Schmitt’s “antagonist” and “polemical” notion of politics that is based on a friend-enemy distinction, and of the consequences of such a notion for state constitutions and law. Schmitt serves as the background for the political theorist Chantal Mouffe, whose “agonistic pluralism” represents a conscious effort to moderate Schmitt’s existentially belligerent critique of liberalism into a workable politics in late modernity. Interpretations of agonism provided by William E. Connolly and Bonnie Honig and their possible links to law and legal studies are then briefly discussed. The chapter concludes that there is a kinship between political agonism understood in this way and a contemporary strain in political theory represented by, for example, Jacques Rancière. The roots of this kinship are traced finally to a post-Marxist tradition of “radical liberalism.”


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (supplement) ◽  
pp. 104-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Nunes

The paper identifies three recent lines of interpretation of the politics that can be derived from Deleuze and Guattari, all of which share a way of reading the dualisms in their work that can be traced back to how they understand the actual/virtual partition, and to an alleged pre-eminence of the virtual over the actual. It is argued that this reading is not only inaccurate, but obscures the political dimension of Deleuze and Guattari's work. Clarifying the latter requires a reinterpretation of the dualisms involved (as dyads rather than binaries), of the relation between virtual and actual (as a formal distinction where one acts back upon the other), and the drawing of a clear distinction between what Deleuze calls a ‘transcendent exercise’ of thought and sensibility and the properly metaphysical exercise that sets up the distinction between virtual and actual. What then appears is an image of Deleuze's and Guattari's thought that is far more concerned with practical questions and with a situated political practice of intervention.


Author(s):  
Eve E. Buckley

This chapter contrasts the political interpretation of sertanejos’ endemic illnesses, promulgated by Brazilian sanitarians, with the approach to public health promoted by Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board (IHB) representatives who also worked in Brazil during the 1910s. These contrasting interpretations of the political and racial origins of endemic disease delineate two poles around which subsequent approaches to sertão development turned. Early in the chapter, public health infrastructure in the northeast region is evaluated in relation to states’ limited capacity to assist drought refugees or prevent epidemics in migrant camps, and the efforts of cearense physician Rodolfo Teófilo are emphasized. The remainder of the chapter focuses on a sanitary survey of the sertão undertaken by Belisário Penna and Arthur Neiva in 1912; subsequent public health projects engaged in by Penna (notably the Serviço de Profilaxia Rural, or Rural Sanitation Service) and the Rockefeller Foundation’s International Health Board in Brazil; and the establishment of a national department of public health stemming from these efforts. The analysis emphasizes the racism of IHB director Wickliffe Rose which led him to dismiss the modernizing potential of sertanejos and to attribute their diseases to racial weakness. This is contrasted with Penna’s rejection of racial and climatic determinism.


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