scholarly journals The New Geopolitical Environment of Turkey

Author(s):  
Hakkı Çiftçi ◽  
Murat Koç

The World Political Atlas has been reorganized, the direction of this reorganization is determined by shared sovereignty reflexes, and is applied through strategic decisions. Metropolitan and hinterland borders form the backbone of the newly formed world political atlas Various western- (or the US) origin approaches such as “Neo Liberal Colonialism” , The Clashes of Civilizations”, “The End of History”, and Eurasian Sovereignty”, introduced as the application components of the framework of sovereignty, attract particular attention as the primary sources of the newly formed political atlas . Within the embracing scope of the concept of globalization, “The new World Order” formed through a new political atmosphere with such concepts and claims as “postmodernism”, neo-liberalism”, “the end of history”, and “the cashes of civilizations” can neither maintain its validity nor is wholly embracing in its attempt to perceive the political future of the world . Instead of establishing a comprehensive reconciliatory platform, all of these concepts and claims reflect enormous controversy due to their characteristics leading to constant arguments and, therefore, result in new conflicts, new political actors, new relations of power, and new searches for sovereignty. New “geopolitical gaps” constitute the focus of sovereignty and power relations of the new process.

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 442-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
SERGEY CHUGROV

It seems that everyone has already realized that our world enters a period of fundamental changes and the formation of a new world order. Today, the question of how the modern world will develop is one of the most vital problems of international relations. Therefore, I want to once again prudently refer to the books by J. John Ikenberry and Acharya Amitav on the American World Order (AWO)? Both books represent a lucid, intelligent, and thought-provoking analysis of tectonic transformations in the world as well as a subtle foresight of certain trends.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 92-106
Author(s):  
Vitaly KOZYREV

The recent deterioration of US–China and US–Russia relations has stumbled the formation of a better world order in the 21st century. Washington’s concerns of the “great power realignment”, as well as its Manichean battle against China’s and Russia’s “illiberal regimes” have resulted in the activated alliance-building efforts between Beijing and Moscow, prompting the Biden administration to consider some wedging strategies. Despite their coordinated preparation to deter the US power, the Chinese and Russian leaderships seek to avert a conflict with Washington by diplomatic means, and the characteristic of their partnership is still leaving a “window of opportunity” for the United States to lever against the establishment of a formal Sino–Russian alliance.


PMLA ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 85 (5) ◽  
pp. 1050-1062 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara K. Lewalski

Milton's references in the preface to Samson Agonistes and in The Reason of Church Government to the Book of Revelation as tragedy have great significance for his drama. His cited authority, David Pareus, and several other Protestant commentators identified the Book of Revelation as tragedy on the basis of form (the alternation of dramatic episodes and Choruses) and subject—the spiritual combat of the Elect with Antichrist and their torment and suffering at his hands throughout all time, reversed only at the end of history when they share Christ's Apocalyptic victory over him. Protestant exegates often linked the Samson story typologically with the Book of Revelation, presenting Samson as type of the suffering Elect and the exercise of Samson's vocation as Judge (deliverer of God's people and executor of the wrath of God upon His enemies) as type of the Elect judging the world with Christ at the last day. This context assists the interpretation of Milton's Samson, bringing into focus its treatment of Samson's judgeship. The Samson Apocalypse link also brings a new perspective to certain moot questions: the date of the play, the interpretation of Samson's character, the presence of contemporary political reference, the nature of the drama's tragic effect.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Zaprulkhan Zaprulkhan

Abstract: In 1989 Francis Fukuyama with his article The End of History? In the journal The National Interest revolves a speculative thesis that after the West conquered its ideological rival, hereditary monarchy, fascism and communism, the constellation of the world of international politics reached a remarkable consensus to liberal democracy. A few years later, Samuel P. Huntington came up with a more provocative thesis that ideological-based war would be a civilization-based war in his article, The Clash of Civilizations? In the journal Foreign Affairs. It reveals that in the future the world will be shaped by interactions among the seven or eight major civilizations of Western civilization: Confucius, Japan, Islam, Hinduism, Orthodox Slavs, Latin America and possibly Africa. Huntington directed the West to pay particular attention to Islam, for Islam is the only civilization with great potential to shake Western civilization. Departing from the above hypotheses, this paper will specifically discuss the bias of Fukuyama and Huntington's thesis on Islam, and how its solution to build a dialogue of civilization by taking the paradigm of dialogue from Ibn Rushd and Raghib As-Sirjani. Abstrak: Pada tahun 1989 Francis Fukuyama dengan artikelnya The End of History? Dalam jurnal The National Interest revolusioner tesis spekulatif bahwa setelah Barat telah menaklukkan lawan-lawan ideologisnya, monarki herediter, fasisme dan komunisme, konstelasi politik internasional mencapai konsensus yang luar biasa untuk demokrasi liberal. Beberapa tahun kemudian, Samuel P. Huntington muncul dengan tesis yang lebih provokatif bahwa perang berbasis ideologis akan menjadi perang berbasis peradaban dalam artikelnya, The Clash of Civilisations? Dalam jurnal Luar Negeri. Ini mengungkapkan bahwa di masa depan akan dibentuk oleh interaksi antara tujuh atau delapan peradaban utama peradaban Barat: Konfusius, Jepang, Islam, Hindu, Slavia Ortodoks, Amerika Latin dan mungkin Afrika. Perhatian Huntington pada Islam adalah potensi terpenting untuk mengguncang peradaban Barat. Berangkat dari hipotesis di atas, makalah ini akan secara khusus membahas bias tesis Fukuyama dan Huntington tentang Islam, dan bagaimana mereka akan mengambil paradigma dialog dari Ibn Rushd dan Raghib As-Sirjani.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Akhtar Gul ◽  
Tanbila Ghafoor ◽  
Fatima Zahra

The aim of this paper describes world’s future post-COVID-19. Coronavirus resemble pandemics exist in centuries. Exactly, one century ago influenza flu affected the world economy and social order. About millions of people died caused by pandemics along with weak and collapsed economies. The pandemic entirely affected every sphere of life, including, Labor demand and supply, tourism, economy, politics, and nature of the world.  There are two possible scenarios of the world post-Covid-19. First one world will enter new wars, hunger, and world order and so on. Second one, whole states collectively tackle this pandemic. Firstly, Economic and military strength determine the political power of a state. The US has been facing severe and critical crises since 2016. Thus, the US will not maintain power more and more. USA’s One Step Back Policy will collapse USA power and Trump loses the election, and new president will impose new wars on Asian land. European Union will disintegrate due to race of power among the powers along with world face. Secondly, China will impose a new world order after COVID-19. Because China policies totally different from previous superpowers. During supremacy, the Great Britain and USA were adopted aggressive political and military policies. In Contrast, China adopted an economic policy which is beneficial for every society. China started to lead the world economically and politically. So, this gap will create a new war in Asia and globally. China Economic Network policy (BRI) would cover world in 2040 years. Thirdly, world economies will face severe economic conditions like 1923, 1929 and 2008. The current recession and political scenarios are knocking a depression on world economic door. Fourthly, emerging economy India will not cover economic power till 2025. Maybe India never achieves economic prosperity due to Jingoistic approach.  In this paper, we predicate world’s economic and politics shape post-covid-19. The virus is changed every sphere and every field of life. ? We used NiGEM model. It’s just predication, will what occur in future. About 3% Gross Domestic Product, 10% consumption, 18% manufacturing and 13% to 32% trade declined due to current pandemics. Universal recession also take place. Now, how the world’s powerful state will push the world into new wars. Which one imposed new world order post-covid-19? Does a new Great Depression knock world door


2021 ◽  
pp. 226-232
Author(s):  
Ashley L. Cohen

This coda studies the Indies mentality's demise. When the organization of global space shifted once more under the leadership of a new geopolitical world order, the two Indies ceased to be a compelling framework for organizing knowledge of the world. The chapter locates the swansong of the Indies mentality in the 1870s, the onset of the US systemic cycle. To be sure, the Indies mentality was residual by this time; but it was also still powerful. American desires for geopolitical dominance took shape during Britain's systemic cycle, and they bear the cultural imprint of British hegemony. One of the events that sealed the United States's rise to hegemonic status was the completion of the first transcontinental railroad to the Pacific, which was widely hailed as an American “Passage to India.” The chapter then makes the case for the portability of this book's method, especially in the context of postcolonial studies, where it can be used to reconstruct and reinhabit non-European epistemologies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 51-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brigitte Geissel

Despite the world-wide triumph of democracy, the quest for an optimal politike has not yet reached the “end of history.” It turns out that representative democracies do not necessarily satisfy citizenries. These malaises are regarded as causes for concern and political actors increasingly pin their hopes on participatory innovations as re-legitimizing responses. But do they work? Germany is an especially interesting case for empirical research. Analysis of the variety of participatory innovations utilized at the local level in Germany—often varying considerably among the different Bundesländer—provides preliminary insights. The German case shows overall that participatory innovations have the potential to cure some of the current malaises of representative democracy. Participatory innovations, however, are certainly no fast-track cure. The useful implementation of participatory innovations requires comprehensive consideration, caution, and, (up to now limited) knowledge about possibilities and pitfalls.


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