scholarly journals An Analysis of the Critical Essence of Marx’s Dialectics

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-173
Author(s):  
Runfeng Wu

Through continuous inquiry and reflection on the roots of religion, Marx was able to understand the limits of political emancipation when the relationship between political emancipation and religion was correctly revealed. People were not only restricted by the metaphysics of ideas but in reality, they were also restricted by capital. Hegel used concepts while Feuerbach used sensibility as ways to rescue them, yet they were all still trapped in metaphysics. Marx proposed a way on the basis of sublating the two, not only in terms of metaphysics but also the capital by thoroughly criticizing reality. It is through the path of dialectics that Marx was able to introduce a higher-level communist society in the internal criticism and denial of capitalist society by profoundly revealing the theoretical dilemma and internal contradictions of the fusion of metaphysics and capital in the pursuit and realization of human freedom and liberation.

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 365-391
Author(s):  
Ka Lok Yip

This article explores the oscillation between individualism and holism and between voluntarism and determinism underlying Philip Allott’s philosophy of social idealism and attributes it to an under-analysis of the relationship between human agency, culture, and structure. Drawing on different social theoretical perspectives and philosophical approaches, it examines this aspect of social idealism through the lens of two recent cases, Alexander Blackman in the United Kingdom and Elor Azaria in Israel. It argues that a dominant focus on either the individuals or their context is necessarily reductionist while collapsing the two risks obscuring causality and responsibility and relegating their apportionment to those in possession of cultural and structural power. Only by differentiating between the relative degrees of human freedom and constraints in different situations, can the limits to human agency become recognisable, comprehensible, and therefore amenable to being tackled, transformed, and potentially overcome.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (25) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Marilda Lopes Pinheiro Queluz ◽  
Gilson Leandro Queluz

RESUMO Este trabalho pretende, através do exemplo do muralismo libertário latino-americano, problematizar as relações entre educação e emancipação. É nossa compreensão que as práticas de ação direta pertinentes ao muralismo libertário, são processos constituintes de uma comunicação igualitária em franca antítese e resistência a um modo de comunicação autoritário característico da sociedade capitalista e de sua indústria cultural.  Analisaremos algumas obras dos coletivos muralistas anarquistas contemporâneos nas cidades latino-americanas, demonstrando sua orientação temática, suas estratégias de produção e representação imagética, e sua concepção explícita de uma formação cultural ampliada. Consideramos que o muralismo libertário, ao se apropriar do espaço urbano como meio de comunicação, ao ressignificar nos muros os demarcadores das desigualdades sociais, procura constituir uma cultura da resistência, materializando os fundamentos de um modo de comunicação igualitário.   Palavras-chave: Muralismo Latino-americano. Muralismo Libertário. Educação e Emancipação.   ABSTRACT The following paper aims to problematize the relationship between education and emancipation through the example of Latin American libertarian muralism. It is the authors’ understanding that the practices concerning the libertarian muralism belong to an egalitarian communication, which is openly against an authoritarian communication peculiar to the capitalist society and its culture industry. The authors will analyze some studies of the contemporary anarchist collective muralists in Latin American cities, demonstrating their thematic orientation, their strategies of image production and representation, and their explicit conception of a broad cultural formation. In addition, the authors consider that libertarian muralism, by using urban space as a means of communication, and re-defining the main aspects of social inequalities, seeks to establish a culture of resistance, materializing the foundations of an egalitarian way of communication.   Keywords: Latin American Muralism. Libertarian Muralism. Education and Emancipation.


Author(s):  
Gökhan Bulut

This article is an attempt to reestablish the linkage of the political economy of communication with the field of social classes and class relations. Studies in the field of political economy of communication are mostly shaped within the scope of instrumentalist explanation: Social communication institutions such as communication and media are perceived as a very homogeneous structure and these institutions are directly considered as the apparatus of capital and capitalists. However, in this study, it is argued that in capitalist societies, communication, and media should be understood as a field and medium of class struggle loaded with contradictions. Another point is that the political economy of communication is mostly limited to media studies. However, in today's capitalist societies, the media is not the only structure and actor in which communication forms. In this study, communication practices in capitalist society are discussed in the context of class discussions and the relationship between class struggle, culture and communication is discussed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
Zoe Adams

The chapter builds on the analysis in Chapter 1 with a view to exploring the nature of law and its relationship with capitalist society in more detail. The previous chapter used an analysis of capitalism’s deep structures to explore the nature of law’s role(s) in capitalism, engaging with the various legal ‘functions’ that capitalism presupposes. The purpose of this chapter is to explore the implications of this understanding of law’s role (or function) when it comes to understanding law’s form. The first section begins by developing a theory of the legal form by engaging with the work of Evgeny Pashukanis. The second section teases out the implications of this analysis for our understanding of the relationship between the legal form and capitalism’s contradictions. The third section draws on this analysis to shed light on the relationship between legal form and content. The fourth section makes some tentative conclusions about the implications of this analysis for our understanding of labour law.


2020 ◽  
pp. 264-282
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Insole

The chapter articulates the following problem: given all that Kant’s notion of freedom, and the intelligible realm can achieve, what precisely is the role of God? That is, what do we need God for? And then, even if we have identified a role which God is expected to fill, there is the further question of whether God can fulfil this role, consistently with Kant’s wider commitments. It is suggested that God either seems to be ‘too much’, or ‘not enough’: ‘too much’, in that God can seem redundant, given all that is achieved by the notion of freedom, and ‘not enough’, in that, were God needed to make up some sort of deficit in our moral status, this would seem to violate Kant’s restrictions on human freedom, which is always ‘all or nothing’, such that all our free actions must come as a first cause from ourselves, and ourselves alone. This is a problem that threatens the cogency of Kant’s ‘moral proof’, which is to say, his understanding of the relationship between the highest good, happiness, and the existence of God.


2001 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANTONIO FRANCESCHET

This article explores a fundamental division among contemporary liberal internationalists regarding the relationship between state sovereignty and the goal of freedom. The article suggests that, in spite of his popular status among a wide variety of contemporary liberal international theorists, Immanuel Kant's political philosophy is an extraordinarily ambiguous ‘legacy’ because of the dualistic doctrine of state sovereignty to which he subscribed. Kant's thought is committed to state sovereignty while providing the grounds for a profound critique of its existence. The reason that sovereignty is ambiguous in Kant's political theory is that it is justified by his bifurcated understanding of human freedom.


Tact ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
David Russell

This introductory chapter outlines some basic claims about tact, the subjects it touches upon, and the way this book is framed. In broadest terms: tact privileges encounters over knowledge, and an aesthetic of handling over more abstract conceptualization or observation—whether of people or objects. Tact can be described as a close and haptic attention to the moment, preferring a present ambivalence to a future perfection. Tact lends itself to political uses just where—in its refusal of assertion—it seems most impertinent to practical ends. It is a literary art that draws upon the particular resources of the essay as form; and it provides the grounds for a claim about the relationship between art and human freedom—an “aesthetic liberalism”—not encompassed by traditional political philosophy. Tact has its origins in a particular time and place, the British nineteenth century, but it is also a more generalizable and available style.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
OLIVER CRAWFORD

Abstract In the 1910s and 1920s, when Indonesian communists first seriously engaged with Marxism, they faced the questions of how to translate Marx's concepts from Dutch, the language in which they generally encountered them, into Malay, the lingua franca of the Indonesian archipelago, and how to make these ideas relevant in an Asian and largely Islamic context. Focusing on three aspects of Marxism—the ‘scientific’ nature of communism, class conflict in feudal and capitalist society, and the relationship between communism and Islam—I argue that Indonesian communists alternated between transliteration and translation in their exposition of Marxism. Transliterating ‘universal’ Marxist categories such as proletarian (proletar) and capitalism (kapitalisme) allowed Indonesian communists to speak in global terms and strengthened their claim that Marxism was a science with a universal terminology. At the same time, there was a process of ‘localization’, whereby foreign Marxist materials were translated to bring them closer to local cultural norms. Malay substitutes were found for Marx's typology of classes and historical eras, while Arabic terms associated with Islam were used to add a moral dimension to the Marxist critique of capitalism. These translations grounded Marxism in Islam and Indonesian history, but also elevated vernacular terms to universal status by eliding them with Marx's categories. The resulting style of Indonesian Marxism was multilingual. From the 1930s, however, Indonesian nationalists consciously moved away from transliteration, devising a more thoroughly Indonesian political vocabulary to replace Marx's terms, though one still clearly influenced by Marxism.


1984 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Trigg

What is the relationship between the concept of sin and that of freedom? There is a powerful tradition in European thought linking the idea of moral evil with human freedom. Only with a broadening of consciousness, with the awareness of alternative possibilities, did man become able to choose between good and evil, and was responsible for that choice. The myth of the Fall, it seems, shows that eating from the tree of knowledge of good and evil gave man the ability to sin, because the awareness of alternatives allowed man to pursue one rather than the other. Without that freedom thus acquired man was innocent and incapable of moral evil.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
Bulent Diken ◽  
Carsten Bagge Laustsen ◽  

The article elaborates on Arendt’s take on the religious and the political and on how they interact and merge in modernity, especially in totalitarianism. We start with framing the three different understandings of religion in Arendt: first, a classic understanding of religion, which is foreign to the logic of the political; second, a secularized political religion; and third, a weak messianism. Both the classic understanding of religion and the political religion deny human freedom in Arendt’s sense. Her transcendent alternative to them both is the notion of the democratic political community: the Republic. Then we turn to Arendt’s political theology, illuminating why interrogating Nazism is central to examine the relationship between politics and religion in modernity. This is followed by a discussion of Nazism as a type of political religion. We focus here on totalitarianism, both as an idea and actual institution. We conclude with an assessment of the role of profanation in Arendt’s work and its significance vis-à-vis the contemporary ‘return of religion’ as well as totalitarian tendencies which call for new forms of voluntary servitude.


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