1970 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 47-67
Author(s):  
Łukasz Rogowski

The article presents the relationship between the Internet, the state and politics. It starts from describing similarities between politics and social aspects of the Internet. This is described in the context of Web 2.0, collective intelligence, informal circuits of cultural content and multitasking. Then two perspectives of the functioning of the Internet in the contemporary state and politics are shown. The first, which is a top-down perspective, describes the concepts of e-government and e-participation. The second one, which is bottom-up, refers to new types of election campaigns as well as the role of new media in social change. In conclusion, there are some questions regarding cyberdemocracy and digital citizenship.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katia Mihailova ◽  

The paper presents results of media monitoring during the election campaigns held in Bulgaria between 2014 and 2019 – after the adoption of the new Electoral Code in 2014 until the last local elections in 2019. The main research question is to what extent the media as mediators in the election campaigns know, respect and comply with the legal regulations concerning their activities during such campaigns. The results outline the models of legal socialization of the Fourth Estate in the election campaigns. They also show patterns of compliance and violation of the legal framework. In addition, they reflect the way in which the media work to change the regulations in question. The research sample included between 117 and 180 media service providers in various election campaigns. There were representatives of all media subfields – traditional media, new media, yellow media, brown media, Prokopiev’s media, Peevski’s media, as well as Russian and American “propaganda media”. The period of research includes almost two full election cycles ‒ two parliamentary elections, two European elections, two local elections, and one presidential election which was held after the clear definition of the legal framework for media in the 2014 Electoral Code. No changes were made to this framework during the study and prior to the publication of this paper. This leads to conclusions regarding the electoral legislation and the regulation of the media system in the electoral process.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Wallsten

This paper contributes to the growing literature on how “new media” is influencing “old media” by tracking references to an extensive list of political blogs in stories run by seventeen prominent print media outlets during the last ten years. The findings presented here show that although journalists frequently use political bloggers as sources in their news coverage, they only reference certain blogs in certain ways at certain times. To be precise, journalists turn to political blogs primarily during national election campaigns and this turn is commonly in the direction of a relatively small group of interactive, liberal blogs.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Bonest Phillips

Abstract Do men and women respond differently to negative political communication? Only a limited collection of studies into the effects of negative campaigns have investigated this research question, and the conflicting results produced from such studies have prevented the development of a widely accepted answer. As campaigns transition to new media environments, further problems arise, as any potential gender gap may be magnified on the new political communication battlefield of social media. The present article contributes to this sparsely investigated area through an empirical study of men's and women's reactions on Facebook to US presidential candidate attacks during two general election campaigns (2012 and 2016) and two primaries (2016 Democratic and Republican). Across nearly 400 million reactions and 40 million unique users, women demonstrate lower receptivity to candidate attacks than men. Two potential explanatory factors for the gap are examined, but neither fully captures the magnitude of the differences observed. Conceptualizing the gender gap composition in terms of differential receptivity most accurately explains these findings and potentially resolves the competing explanations for the gap within the existing literature.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
pp. 607-620
Author(s):  
Umut Yıldız

In our age, new media provides the opportunity to reach much wider masses and segments in proportion to traditional media tools and equipment. Thanks to this opportunity, the dijital, which is accepted as the most important invention of the new media understanding, is used for many different purposes such as politics, entertainment, communication, commerce and education. Recently, the dijital has been used extensively for political communication, especially by political parties in terms of political election campaigns and initiatives. The dijital environment appears as an important medium that enables political parties and groups to meet and communicate with their stakeholders. For this reason, the communication work of political parties on the dijital should continue in a stable and determined manner in the process other than the election campaigns. Here, it is aimed to reveal how politically effective the political participation and communication processes of political parties and groups are with the opportunities provided by the new media patterned dijital. Within the framework of the study, the conceptual structure of political communication and the new media patterned dijital process were examined, and the purposeful status of their use by political parties was tried to be explained. Key Words: New Media Political Parties Political Communications.


2014 ◽  
pp. 1450-1470
Author(s):  
Kevin Wallsten

This paper contributes to the growing literature on how “new media” is influencing “old media” by tracking references to an extensive list of political blogs in stories run by seventeen prominent print media outlets during the last ten years. The findings presented here show that although journalists frequently use political bloggers as sources in their news coverage, they only reference certain blogs in certain ways at certain times. To be precise, journalists turn to political blogs primarily during national election campaigns and this turn is commonly in the direction of a relatively small group of interactive, liberal blogs.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manawwar Alam

In recent years, digital media have become an integral part of political communication during election campaigns. Internet has become an important platform for marginalized and fringed parties, candidates, groups and people to establish an alternative political dialogue to a wider section of society which was earlier not possible for them. Social media has turned a great boom when concerned to connect people. It has enabled us find countless area specific people in one click to target them for a specific programme or scheme. Digital media has changed the pattern of election campaigning. Youth have now joined the campaign and become the part of voting. The Internet provides an arena of informing, involving, mobilizing and connecting activity among the political parties, political candidates, party workers and followers and voters. New digital media has made it easier to get in touch, keep in touch with the party workers, prospective supporters and voters. The internet has become a vehicle through which the opinion of common people can be expressed on matters normally reserved for political leaders. The speed with which digital media communication is being adopted by political parties, representatives and electoral candidates varies according to social, cultural, economic and democratic context. The digital media can enable both politicians and citizens to communicate and serve democratic activities, such as election campaigns. Most of the new media applications and platforms like face book, twitter, multimedia mobile telephones have been used by the political parties and their candidates during elections.


2006 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-57
Author(s):  
Bernad Batinic ◽  
Anja Goeritz

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