scholarly journals Memoria Y Documental En La Argentina. Un Análisis De Sr. Presidente (Liliana Arraya E Eugenia Monti, 2007) Y Estela (Silvia Di Florio, 2008)

Xihmai ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Lincoln Strange Reséndiz [1]

ResumenEl presente artí­culo estudia dos documentales argentinos, Sr. Presidente (2007) de Liliana Arraya e Eugenia Monti, y Estela (2008) de Silvia di Florio, en un afán por comprender el alcance del golpe militar en Argentina y por conocer las consecuencias del mismo en la sociedad actual de dicho paí­s. Para ello, se revisarán las caracterí­sticas de la memoria a partir del punto de vista del teórico Tzvetan Todorov. Asimismo, ambos documentales se analizarán como un documento histórico en la medida en que exponen la recuperación de documentos y materiales audiovisuales que fueron ocultados por los gobiernos militares y develan una verdad que la historia militar y oficial trató de suprimir.Palabras clave: Memoria, historia, documental, dictadura, Argentina. AbstractThis article studies two Argentine documentaries, Mr. President (2007) by Liliana Arraya and Eugenia Monti, and Estela (2008) by Silvia di Florio, in an effort to understand the scope of the military coup in Argentina and to know the consequences of it in the current society of that country. For this, the characteristics of the memory will be reviewed from the point of view of the theorist Tzvetan Todorov. Also, both documentaries will be analyzed as a historical document insofar as they expose the recovery of documents and audiovisual materials that were hidden by the military governments and reveal a truth that military and official history tried to suppress.Keywords: memory, history, documentary, dictatorship, Argentine. [1] Doctora en Ciencias Polí­ticas y Sociales (lí­nea Comunicación y Cultura) por parte de la Facultad de Ciencias Polí­ticas y Sociales de la UNAM. Actualmente está adscrita a la Universidad Anáhuac Norte, donde imparte clases en la licenciatura y el posgrado en Comunicación. Algunasde sus publicaciones son las siguientes: "Encuentros creativos en el cine mexicano. José Revueltas y Luis Buñuel en La ilusión viaja en tranví­a”,en el libro coordinado por Francisco Peredo, Homenaje a José Revueltas, publicado por la UNAM en el 2015; La masculinidad como producción discursiva y la feminidad como silencio en El libro vací­o y Los años falsosde Josefina Vicens, editado por la UAM Iztapalapa, en el 2017.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-112
Author(s):  
Michał Skoczyński

Abstract The article presents the military cooperation between the King of Galician-Volhynian Ruthenia, Daniel Romanowicz, and the Dukes of Mazovia, Konrad and his son Siemowit. The alliance, based as a counterweight for the cooperation between the King of Hungary and the Piast princes of Lesser Poland, who were trying to conquer Ruthenia and dominate all Piast principalities in then fragmented Poland. It lasted for several decades from the 1220’s to the 1260’s and was primarly aimed at mutual protection against the invasions of the pagan Yotvingians and supporting each other in armed conflicts. The text contains an analysis of war expeditions, tactics and ways of support that were given by both sides of the allianace. It is a new point of view on this aspect of political strategy of both sides that in some ways defined the regional situation. Ruthenians granted masovian Piasts some mobile and political uncommited support in fight with their relatives in Poland, and also secured their border with the Yotvingians. On the other hand, masovian knights were an additional strike force in ruthenian plundering expeditions to Yotvingia. The research was based on the analysis of preserved historical sources and scientific literature using historical methodology.


2021 ◽  
Vol 115 (3) ◽  
pp. 558-567

On February 1, 2021, the military in Burma overthrew the democratically elected government, declared a one-year state of emergency, and installed Senior General Min Aung Hlaing as the head of government. Since the coup, the military has cracked down on protestors, killing over 800 people and detaining many more. Numerous countries and international organizations, including the United States and the United Nations, have condemned the coup and ensuing violence and called for the restoration of a democratic government. The United States and other countries have also imposed rigorous sanctions on the Burmese military, its officials and affiliated corporations, and social media companies have imposed content restrictions to prevent the spread of pro-military propaganda.


1980 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Coad

We publish below a list of writers and journalists abducted by the security forces and numbered among the ‘disappeared’ in Argentina since 24 March 1976, the date of the military coup that installed General Jorge Rafael Videla in power. Two eye-witness accounts illustrate the way in which such abductions usually take place. Finally, Robert Cox, editor-in-exile of the daily newspaper Buenos Aires Herald, describes how independent-minded journalists and the families of los desaparecidos ( ‘the disappeared’) have been affected. The material is introduced by Index on Censorship's researcher on Latin America, Malcolm Coad.


1978 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 847
Author(s):  
Marvin Goldwert ◽  
John Samuel Fitch

2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boubacar N'Diaye

ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.


Author(s):  
Rodolfo Hoffmann

Income inequality in Brazil, already high, increased after the military coup of 1964 and remained very high even after democratization in the 1980s. It decreased substantially in the period 2001–2014, after inflation was controlled. The Gini index of the per capita household income dropped from 0.594 in 2001 to 0.513 in 2014. The determinants of this decline in inequality are analyzed considering the components of that income and how each one affected changes in inequality, showing the impact of changes in the remuneration of private sector employees and in pensions paid by the government, as well as federal transfer programs. Changes in education lie behind the first of these effects, and the increase of the minimum wage reinforced all three. The economic crises after 2014 interrupted the process of decline, and among economically active persons, inequality even increased from 2014 to 2015. Measures to further reduce inequality are suggested.


2021 ◽  
pp. 114-121
Author(s):  
Leonid Salmin

The article focuses on the city as a visual discourse. This topic was previously studied in the article “Invisible Moscow” (Salmin, 2018). The impact of the war on the concepts of visibility / invisibility of the city and their relationship is analyzed from the point of view of mytho-ritual practices. Inversions of the visible and invisible are considered in the context of evolution of the city's symbolism under the influence of the military threats.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-238
Author(s):  
Malika S. Tovsultanova ◽  
Rustam A. Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia N. Galimova

In the 1970s, Turkey was in a state of political turbulence. Weak coalition governments changed frequently and could not bring order to the country. The city streets turned into an arena of battles for various armed radical groups of nationalist, communist, Islamist and separatist persuasions. For 9 years from 1971 to 1980, 10 governments changed in Turkey. The political crisis was accompanied by an economic downturn, expressed in hyperinflation and an increase in external debt. Chaos and anarchy caused discontent among Turkish financial circles and generals with the situation in the country and led to the idea of a military coup, already the third in the republican history of Turkey. The US State Department was extremely concerned about the situation in Turkey, hoping to find a reliable cover against further exports of communism and Islamism to the Middle East, approving the possibility of a coup. The coup was led by the chief of the General Staff K. Evren. Political events of the second half of the 1970s allow us to conclude that, despite the interest of the financial and military circles of the United States in it, the military coup on September 12, 1980 had mainly domestic political reasons.


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