The Jewish Community in the Grand Duchy of Poznań under Prussian Rule, 1815–1848

Author(s):  
Sophia Kemlein

This chapter examines the effects of Prussian legal and administrative practices on the Jewish communities in the Grand Duchy of Poznań, and how these communities responded to the changing situation. The question of the autonomy of the communities seems especially instructive, since in pre-emancipation times autonomy had generally been considered a guarantor of the continuance of Jewish life in the Diaspora. In the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, autonomy had been developed through countrywide institutions with claims for political representation. After briefly outlining the situation before Prussian rule, the chapter describes the legal status of the Jewish communities with particular attention to the regulations for South Prussia and New East Prussia, since they constitute stages leading to the formulation of legal norms after 1815. It then explores the practical implementation of these laws and the tense relationship between state supervision and the concept of a legal unit on the one hand and traditional Jewish autonomy on the other. Finally, the chapter briefly describes the ways in which the Jewish communities in the Grand Duchy dealt with the realities of Prussian rule, with its pressures for integration and assimilation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
R. M. Khvan

The article examines the formation and development of local self-government of the Ukrainian state and their compliance with European legal standards of local democracy. It was revealed that at present the development of the Ukrainian state is impossible without the functioning of an effective institution of local self-government as an integral element of civil society and the rule of law. It has been established that the completion of the long- term reform of local self-government, taking into account the European legal standards of local self-government, will make it possible to speak about the establishment of a real civil society and a rule of law in Ukraine. It is noted that recently the constitutional principles of local self-government have begun to lag behind the real state of existence and functioning of this subsystem of public power. And this, in turn, leads to the inhibition of its further progressive development and improvement. Moreover, the current post-Soviet model of local self-government in Ukraine is characterized by internal contradictions: on the one hand, a combination of organizational and legal forms inherited from Soviet times with models formed during modern Ukrainian statehood; on the other hand, the latest models of public administration at the territorial level unsystematically combine borrowing from several, sometimes directly opposite, Western models of administrative structure. It is noted that the perception of foreign experience, especially in the field of rule- making and rule-making, is quite a difficult task, because here it is necessary to introduce into the legal system of one state, through appropriate borrowing mechanisms, the legal norms of another state. of these, will lead to legal and administrative conflicts. It is noted that the use of European legal standards for building local self-government in Ukraine should become the basis and standard for the practical implementation of a systemic set of reforms in the management system at the local and regional level.


2019 ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Jakub Wojas

The lifetime of the Kingdom of Poland – a state connected with the Russian Empire by a union – has not been unequivocally assessed in Polish historiography. On the one hand, the Kingdom had its own army, administration and a very liberal constitution, and had quickly achieved economic prosperity. On the other hand, within a few years of its creation, there occurred the fi rst violations of the Constitution and the persecutions of those who opposed these infringements. A significant event was the revolt of the Cadets of 29 November 1830, which turned into a uprising, today referred to as the November Uprising. This article is the analysis of the legal aspects of the Polish-Russian union created in 1815. It is then compared with the Union of Lublin and the drafts of planned unions between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Tsardom of Russia in the 16th and 17th centuries. The circumstances which led to the creation of the Kingdom of Poland and its union with the Russian Empire, as well as the earlier attempts to create one state of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire, as well as the principles of a union of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania are presented. The principles upon which these unions were to be based are subsequently compared and analysed. A particular emphasis has been placed on the issues related to the international legal status of the Kingdom of Poland. In this context questions such as: the treaty-making power and jus legationis have also been asked. Another important issue discussed in the paper is also the role of the king in matters concerning foreign policy and a possible role of Russia in these matters. The results of this analysis allow to formulate a more objective assessment of the period of the Kingdom of Poland, focusing on its legal status and position, and in particular on the relation with the Russian Empire.


Phainomenon ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 22-23 (1) ◽  
pp. 403-422
Author(s):  
Carlos Morujão

Abstract In this paper I will focus on Adolf Reinach’s work A Priori Foundations of Civil Law. Reinach, a member of the so-called “Circle of Göttingen”, formed around Edmund Husserl, sought in this work to apply phenomenology, understood as a doctrine of essences, to the problem of the constitution of legal norms. Surprisingly, however, his starting point is an analysis of the promise – whose legal status is weak, appearing only in some civil codes (as the Portuguese), in expressions such as “promise of sale” – and the Verbindlichkeit it establishes between the one who makes the promise and the person who is promised something. Between promise and its fulfilment Reinach establishes a logical relation of cause and consequence, although he claims a different status for his legal formalism from that of Kant’s. In this paper I will address not only Reinach’s starting point, but also his claim to ground the Science of Law on objective legal formations, which can be intuited in the same way numbers or physical objects are intuited.


Author(s):  
C. C. Ahn ◽  
S. Karnes ◽  
M. Lvovsky ◽  
C. M. Garland ◽  
H. A. Atwater ◽  
...  

The bane of CCD imaging systems for transmission electron microscopy at intermediate and high voltages has been their relatively poor modulation transfer function (MTF), or line pair resolution. The problem originates primarily with the phosphor screen. On the one hand, screens should be thick so that as many incident electrons as possible are converted to photons, yielding a high detective quantum efficiency(DQE). The MTF diminishes as a function of scintillator thickness however, and to some extent as a function of fluorescence within the scintillator substrates. Fan has noted that the use of a thin layer of phosphor beneath a self supporting 2μ, thick Al substrate might provide the most appropriate compromise for high DQE and MTF in transmission electron microcscopes which operate at higher voltages. Monte Carlo simulations of high energy electron trajectories reveal that only little beam broadening occurs within this thickness of Al film. Consequently, the MTF is limited predominantly by broadening within the thin phosphor underlayer. There are difficulties however, in the practical implementation of this design, associated mostly with the mechanical stability of the Al support film.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Prewitt ◽  
Heinz Eulau

Scholars interested in theorizing about political representation in terms relevant to democratic governance in mid-twentieth century America find themselves in a quandary. We are surrounded by functioning representative institutions, or at least by institutions formally described as representative. Individuals who presumably “represent” other citizens govern some 90 thousand different political units—they sit on school and special district boards, on township and city councils, on county directorates, on state and national assemblies, and so forth. But the flourishing activity of representation has not yet been matched by a sustained effort to explain what makes the representational process tick.Despite the proliferation of representative governments over the past century,theoryabout representation has not moved much beyond the eighteenth-century formulation of Edmund Burke. Certainly most empirical research has been cast in the Burkean vocabulary. But in order to think in novel ways about representative government in the twentieth-century, we may have to admit that present conceptions guiding empirical research are obsolete. This in turn means that the spell of Burke's vocabulary over scientific work on representation must be broken.To look afresh at representation, it is necessary to be sensitive to the unresolved tension between the two main currents of contemporary thinking about representational relationships. On the one hand, representation is treated as a relationship between any one individual, the represented, and another individual, the representative—aninter-individualrelationship. On the other hand, representatives are treated as a group, brought together in the assembly, to represent the interest of the community as a whole—aninter-grouprelationship. Most theoretical formulations since Burke are cast in one or the other of these terms.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (9 (107)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Galina Popova

The article is devoted to the legal history of the lands of the Kingdom of Toledo in the first two hundred years after the Christian reconquest. The assimilation of the conquered lands by the new political power, preserving the border position, leads to the emergence of a special legal tradition, typical for other similar territories, which received the general name “extremadura” — “borderland”. The Fueros, created in the Kingdom of Toledo, from the very beginning, firmly linked the territorial and personal nature of the legal norms included in their texts. The formation of local legal traditions took place with the active participation of the local elite, which was reflected in the editing of Fuero texts. The inhabitants of Toledo were supposed to use the Visigothic "Liber iudiciorum" as a normative basis for legal proceedings, but at the same time maintained the legitimate possibility of resorting to norms of a different origin, the so-called “Fuero of Castilians”. The lack of a strict systematization in the legal framework of the proceedings was reflected in the organization of judicial officials in Toledo. The good preservation of the local act material allows us to consider in more detail the practical implementation of the legal norm in the process of judicial proceedings, recorded in Arabic in the protocol of the end of the 8th century.


1992 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-193
Author(s):  
Kym Bird

The initial phase of women's drama in Canada coincides with the first wave of 19th-century Canadian feminism and the Canadian women's reform movement. At the time, a variety of women wrote and staged plays that grew out of their commitment to the political, ideological and social context of the movement. The 'Mock Parliament,' a form of theatrical parody in which men's and women's roles are reversed, was collectively created by different groups of suffragists in Manitoba, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. This article attempts to recuperate these works for a history of Canadian feminist theatre. It will argue that the 'dual' conservative and liberal ideology of the suffrage movement informs all aspects of the Mock Parliament. On the one hand, these plays critique the division of gender roles that material feminism wants to uphold; they are testimony to the strength of a woman's movement that knew how to work as equal players within traditionally structured political organizations. On the other hand, they betray the safe, moderate tactics of an upper and middle-class, white womanhood who wanted political representation but no structural social change. These opposing tensions are inherent in theatrical parody which is both imitative and critical.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 162-170
Author(s):  
IGOR’ YU. SAMOKHVALOV

Introduction: the paper investigates migration situation in the country, reasons and prerequisites for migration-related crime, and identifies features of state prevention of migration offenses. Aim: by analyzing current migration situation, to identify problems in the field of migration-related offenses and how to counteract them at the current stage of society development. Methods: general scientific dialectical method of cognition, comparative legal method, empirical methods of description and interpretation; method of interpretation of legal norms. Results: having analyzed manifestations of migration-related crime we determine its signs, internal content, essence, types, and objectivity of existence; this allows us to put forward ways to counteract the current state of this type of crime. Conclusions: when studying how migration offenses are counteracted, we propose a number of measures that can change the existing crime situation in the migration sphere. Among them: strengthening the registration of migrants when passing the state border; increasing the responsibility of an unscrupulous employer who provides work to migrants in violation of current legislation, obliging unscrupulous employers to cover expenses related to the expulsion of illegally located migrants, strengthening the responsibility of the employer; tightening the sanctions of existing legislation for submission of false documents for registration by migrants and for registration based on false documents; strengthening the functional activities of the Federal Migration Service by granting it the right to perform intelligence-gathering activities and interaction with operative units of law enforcement agencies engaged in such activities; determining the priority of external and operative services to identify the facts of illegal stay of migrants in the territory of the metropolis; establishment of a single codified act – the migration code, regulating legal relations arising in the migration sphere. Keywords: migration-related crime; labor migration; uncontrolled migration of labor resources; legal status; victimization; migration diasporas.


2021 ◽  
pp. 56-62
Author(s):  
Valeriia Golub

Problem setting. One of the important factors that play a key role in the observance of human rights and freedoms, including such categories of foreign citizens and stateless persons as refugees in case of administrative prosecution - is the functioning of state institutions to guarantee these rights, the use of all. The decisive place in this problem belongs to the activities of the state of Ukraine, which in connection with the formation of social relations related to the stay of refugees on its territory, protection of this category of persons from political persecution , should ensure the adoption of relevant legal acts aimed primarily at the protection of rights and freedoms. administrative penalty. As a result, there are real risks of violating the rights and freedoms of the person to whom these penalties apply. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Problems of protection of rights and freedoms of refugees in case of bringing them to administrative responsibility were devoted to the work of such scientists as: V. Averyanov, O. Bandurka, O. Bezpalova, Yu. Bityak, O. Dzhafarova, A. Komzyuk, V. Komzyuk, D. Lukyanets, O. Muzychuk, D. Priymachenko, O.S. Pronevich ect. The purpose of the article is to investigate and analyze the importance of ensuring the rights of refugees in case of bringing them to administrative responsibility, to consider this issue as one of the guarantees of legal status of refugees in Ukraine. Article’s main body. The article considers the issue of observance of the rights and freedoms of this category of foreign citizens and stateless persons as refugees in case of committing offenses and bringing them to administrative responsibility. The issue of ensuring both international legal acts approved by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and legal documents on behalf of the state of Ukraine gives grounds to believe that in case of involvement of this category of persons (if they are in Ukraine legally) to administrative responsibility, they have the same rights as citizens of Ukraine. Conclusions. The peculiarities of the relevant provisions of the administrative legislation of Ukraine on the peculiarities of bringing foreign citizens and stateless persons, including refugees to administrative responsibility, are analyzed. The significance of the ratio of observance of the rights and freedoms of refugees in case of bringing to administrative responsibility and necessity of non-alternative fulfillment of requirements of legal norms of the current administrative legislation of Ukraine is determined.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Mohammed I. M. Hamdan ◽  
Mohamed Shawky Abd El-Aal ◽  
Abidin Abdul Hamid Kandil

The current study attempts to highlight the stages of Palestine’s joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) and steps that should be followed by Palestine to join the World Trade Organization from the observer to the member. It also clarifies how Palestine joins the World Trade Organization as a state and then as a customs territory. The problem of this study lies in determining the legal effects of Palestine's joining the World Trade Organization as a state on the one hand and as a customs territory on the other. The study aims at clarifying the stages that Palestine will go through in case of joining the World Trade Organization, the steps that Palestine should take to join the World Trade Organization, and the mechanism that should be followed when Palestine joins the World Trade Organization as a state, and then as a customs territory. The study concluded that Palestine must join the World Trade Organization as a customs territory as soon as possible in order to avoid any discussion about the final legal status of its territories according to the Oslo Accords. 


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