scholarly journals Unia polsko-rosyjska z 1815 r. na tle unii lubelskiej i projektów unii Rzeczypospolitej i Rosji z XVI i XVII w.

2019 ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Jakub Wojas

The lifetime of the Kingdom of Poland – a state connected with the Russian Empire by a union – has not been unequivocally assessed in Polish historiography. On the one hand, the Kingdom had its own army, administration and a very liberal constitution, and had quickly achieved economic prosperity. On the other hand, within a few years of its creation, there occurred the fi rst violations of the Constitution and the persecutions of those who opposed these infringements. A significant event was the revolt of the Cadets of 29 November 1830, which turned into a uprising, today referred to as the November Uprising. This article is the analysis of the legal aspects of the Polish-Russian union created in 1815. It is then compared with the Union of Lublin and the drafts of planned unions between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Tsardom of Russia in the 16th and 17th centuries. The circumstances which led to the creation of the Kingdom of Poland and its union with the Russian Empire, as well as the earlier attempts to create one state of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire, as well as the principles of a union of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania are presented. The principles upon which these unions were to be based are subsequently compared and analysed. A particular emphasis has been placed on the issues related to the international legal status of the Kingdom of Poland. In this context questions such as: the treaty-making power and jus legationis have also been asked. Another important issue discussed in the paper is also the role of the king in matters concerning foreign policy and a possible role of Russia in these matters. The results of this analysis allow to formulate a more objective assessment of the period of the Kingdom of Poland, focusing on its legal status and position, and in particular on the relation with the Russian Empire.

Author(s):  
А.В. Мацук

В статье исследуются события бескоролевья 1733 г. в Речи Посполитой. Согласно «трактату Левенвольде» компромиссным кандидатом на избрание монархом Речи Посполитой был португальский инфант дон Мануэль, которого предложила Австрия. Россия больше склонялась к кандидатуре «пяста». Россия оказалась не подготовленной к началу бескоролевья. Бывшие российские союзники магнаты ВКЛ рассорились с российским послом Фридрихом Казимиром Левенвольде и перешли на сторону Франции. В конце февраля 1733 г. в ВКЛ направили Юрия Ливена, который от имени российской царицы предложил поддержку в получении короны Михаилу Вишневецкому и Павлу Сангушке. Принятое на конвокационном сейме решение об избрании королем «пяста» и католика показало популярность Станислава Лещинского. В результате вслед за Австрией Россия поддержала кандидатом на корону Фридриха Августа. Магнаты ВКЛ до последнего оставались конкурентами о короне. Оппозиция Лещинскому объединилась под лозунгом защиты «вольного выбора» и поэтому в ней остались кандидаты «пясты», которые не могли уступить друг другу, и согласились на компромисс – кандидатуру Фридриха Августа. Для противодействия возможному избранию Лещинского Россия создала в ВКЛ новоградскую конфедерацию. Ее организатором стал новоградский воевода Николай Фаустин Радзивилл. Эта конфедерация становится основой Генеральной Варшавской конфедерации, которая 5 октября 1733 г. избирает королем саксонского курфюрста. The article examines the events of the «kingless» year of 1733 in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. According to the Levenwolde Treaties the compromise candidate for the Commonwealth’s throne was the Portuguese Infante Don Manuel, who’s candidacy was proposed by Austria. Russia, in turn, leaned towards the «pyasta» candidate. The Russian Empire was clearly unprepared for the start of the kingless period. Russia’s former allies – magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – came into conflict with the Russian ambassador Frederick Kazimir Levenwolde and sided with France. In late February of 1733, Empress Anna Ioanovna of Russia sent Yuri Liven to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, who offered official support in the struggle for the crown to Mikhail Vishnevetsky and Pavel Sangushka. The electoral decision made at the Sejm proved the popularity of the «pyast» and Catholic candidates, specifically – Stanislaus Leschinsky. In turn, Russia – following Austria – showed its support for the candidacy of Frederick August. The magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania remained in opposition in the crown issue until the very last. Opposition to Leschinsky was united under the motto of «free choice». For that reason, it was comprised of «pyasta» candidates, who were in a deadlock with one another, and were now ready for the compromise candidacy of Frederick Augustus. In order to counter the possible election of Leschinsky, Russia created the Novograd Confederation in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It was organized by the Novograd Voevoda Faustin Radzivill. This confederation became the core of the General Warsaw Confederation that – on October 5th 1733 – elected the Saxon King to the throne of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-34
Author(s):  
Žygimantas Buržinskas ◽  
Vytautas Levandauskas

SummaryThis article presents the heritage of the Dominican Order, which underwent the biggest transformation and destruction in Lithuania during the occupation by tsarist Russia. After the uprisings against the tsarist Russian government in the region in 1831 and 1863–1864, a Russification policy began, primarily targeted against the Catholic Church organization. The Dominican Order, which renewed its activities and had been purposefully operating in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania since the beginning of the 16th century, was liquidated during the occupation by tsarist Russia. This article studies the original appearances of Aukštadvaris, Kaunas, Merkinė and Paparčiai monasteries, which were most affected by reconstruction and demolition works during the Russian occupation, and reconstructions of their original appearance are presented. The architectural expression of all the monasteries in question suffered the most after the uprising in 1863–1864. In Aukštadvaris and Kaunas old convent churches were reconstructed into Orthodox churches by changing their old architecture, destroying individual elements of the building volume and decoration. Russian-Neo-Byzantine style promoted in the Russian Empire emerged in this context. The buildings of Merkinė and Paparčiai monasteries were completely demolished. Based on the iconographic material, especially the drawings and plans of the buildings made before the reconstruction or demolition works as well as visitations of the monasteries and material of other historical sources, the visualizations of the Aukštadvaris, Kaunas and Merkinė monastery complexes were prepared using modern means.


Author(s):  
Veronika Rudiuk

The article, based on a representative database of sources, presents an assessment of the socio-economic status of Sangushkо princes during the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire, identifies changes in the financial status of representatives of the genus over three centuries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 410-422
Author(s):  
D. I. Raskin

The issue of the role of education and professional qualifications in the establishment of the highest bureaucratic elite in the Russian Empire in the 19th — early 20th centuries is considered in the article. Particular attention is paid to the availability of special (profile) education for ministers and department directors of the main civilian departments. The connection between the attempt to differentiate the requirements for the educational qualification of officials de-pending on the type of service at the beginning of the 19th century, on the one hand, and projects to abolish civil ranks, on the other are analyzed. The results of a comparative analysis of information about education and service experience of representatives of the highest bureaucracy of various departments are presented. Special attention is paid to medical and “technical” departments, the leadership of which required special qualifications.  It is shown that legal education has come to be considered a profile qualification not only for the judicial, but also for the administrative service. The age characteristics of Russian ministers at the time of their occupation of ministerial posts are given. It has been proved that the problem of raising the educational level of the Russian bureaucracy was largely solved for the upper and middle level of the Russian bureaucracy by the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, but the problem of professional qualifications still existed, although significant steps were taken to resolve it.


Author(s):  
I. H. Hushchynski

The article deals with the content and results of the reforms in the judicial sphere in the territory of Belarus, which took place during the reign of Paul I. He declared the recognition of special rights and privileges for the territory, which was annexed to Russia as a result of partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (the so-called Western provinces). First of all, this was reflected in the reform of the judicial system here. The main content of these changes was the restoration of the judiciary of the period of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, although not in full. The article concluded that the reforms of Paul I in the judicial sphere in the territory of the Western provinces were an attempt to form here the judicial system on the basis of local justice traditions of the period of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but given the realities of the autocratic Russian Empire. The local judicial system, which was established at that time, was similar to the former (before annexing to Russia) – was partially restored former judiciary, continued to use local rights, local nobility had considerable authority in the justice sphere. But at the same time on many aspects this judicial system was significantly different from the former in the direction of unification with the Russian judicial traditions (using of Russian laws, the appointment of some judges by the government, the significant role of governors in the justice, the subordination of the highest court – the Senate, etc.).


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-110
Author(s):  
Oleg Alexandrovich Chernov

The problem of reforming the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire in the beginning of XX century was widely highlighted in historical literature. However, the role of N.V. Charykov is covered very briefly. Since he was the chairman of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it seemed necessary to explore his ideas and role in this transformative direction. He became the head of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after he had an appointment to a deputy minister of Foreign Affairs. It happened after A.P. Izvolsky (N.V. Charykovs friend and classmate at Imperial Alexander Lyceum) had become a foreign minister. N.V. Charykov denotes that A.P. Izvolsky invited him to become the deputy minister of Foreign Affairs. All the legal affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were transferred under authority of N.V. Charykov by A.P. Izvolsky. N.V. Charykov took up his post as the deputy minister of Foreign Affairs and was the head of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, implemented thoughtful and meticulous work. He could establish coordination among the actions of all the departments from which the reform was dependent on. Furthermore, he believed in the necessity of changing the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, linking it to the need to increase funding. Besides, he stood out for maintaining diplomatic correspondence in Russian instead of French. The important point was a democratization of the diplomatic exam on the one hand and an increase of the level of educational requirements for candidates on the other.


Author(s):  
Evgeniy Nevzorov

We consider historical and legal aspects of social and class status of minor members of “military class”: soldiers’ children, recruit’s children, soldiers’ daughters. These children had special status in legislation and law enforcement practice in Russian Empire in 18th–19th century as they were born in the families of recruits, lower ranks soldiers during their service in Russian army, retired soldiers, soldiers on indefinite leave and service-disabled veterans. On the basis of wide range of archival and published materials we reconstructed the legal regulation and social characteristics of “military offspring” in military forces and civil society. We also reveal recorded in primary archival documents and legal acts social and legal, class and household collisions and trends, which determined life and destiny of “military children”. We clarify statistical uncertainties, which occurred during estimation members of military class – soldiers’ children – in Russian province. We also give detailed historiographic assessment of studying legal status of cantonists and soldiers’ daughters. We conclude about the prospects of studying this scientific problem by domestic historians, as well as the presence of primary archival documents, which are waiting for the introduction into scientific circulation. It is proved that the category of “soldiers’ children” was not only a subject, but was often the object of Russian legislation, this category also made it possible to successfully defend their rights. We reveal features of transformation of the former cantonists into professional soldiers, and also their role in military and social history of the Russian Empire of the considered chronological period.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
S. N. Smirnov

Introduction. The article deals with the issues of policy environment for individual social mobility. It provides the examples of promotion of representatives of the noble and spiritual estates (including foreigners who took Russian citizenship) of the Russian Empire in the early 19th century; the role of noninstitutional factors in upward mobility is noted.Materials and methodology. The methodological basis of the study includes the dialectical, historical, formal-legal, critical-legal methods in the framework of the civilizational approach.Results of the research. At the beginning of the XIX century the system of vertical social mobility was modernized in the Russian Empire, primarily in relation to the representatives of the privileged classes. The legal basis of the mechanism of changing the individual legal status included the normative legal acts and the traditions of joining the service by children from nobily that had developed over the previous century. These traditions can be considered as non-institutionalized practices of advancement on the social ladder. The two main channels of social lift in Russia at that time for representatives of the privileged classes were the army and the state civil service; court service in that period lost its role as a channel of social lift.With the help of this mechanism, representatives of the noble class, as well as individual representatives of the spiritual class, were promoted to the political elite of the country. This mechanism was designed to be applied to both “natural” Russian nationals and foreigners who chose to serve Russia as their main professional career. After 1809 the nobles of Finland received institutional opportunities for professional growth within the Russian system of public service. A successful career in the civil service was also possible for a representative of a foreign state who received Russian citizenship, but only if they had a good education and knowledge in the field of professional activity.Discussion and conclusions. The author substantiates the importance of not only the legislative provisions, but also of the existing factors of “nonlegal” nature in the process of changing the individual legal status, as well as the role of education, which by the beginning of the considered period had become a prerequisite for joining the political elite of the country.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (127) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Holovchenko

Unprovoked armed aggression of Russia against Ukraine after victory of the Dignity Revolution in it and annexation of Crimea, kindling and financial and material support of separatist rebellions in the eastern regions of our country actualized analysis of international historical reasons of aggressive behavior of Russia, primarily regarding the former Soviet republics. Therefore, an attempt to look back this problem in the context of the medieval international relations in Central and Eastern Europe and the formation of autocratic ideology Grand Duchy of Moscow, Moscow kingdom and the Russian Empire was made in article. In view of that Rurik dynasty and related to them by women Romanovs had the beginnings from rulers of Kyivan Rus, Moscow grand dukes, kings and Petersburg emperors saw all the lands, that once belonged to it (mainly Ukrainian), as part of their historical heritage. Joining and later incorporation of Ukraine into the Russian Empire, from their point of view, was like returning of lost once patrimony. And the fact that Ukrainian and Belorussian lands formerly were part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Rus and Rzeczpospolita, or had their own political autonomy and time to develop a separate cultural, religious and public-political tradition, was seen as distortions caused by ostensibly forced distancing of these countries from the king. Leading Moscow and St. Petersburg intellectuals both conservative and liberal-democratic were able and can to argue about the nature of Russian nationality, but they never had the slightest doubt as to «russkost» of Ukrainian, Belarusian and Baltic lands. This view completely coincides with the official position of the Russian autocracy and is now the basis for the foreign policy strategy of Vladimir Putin.


2020 ◽  
pp. 88-101
Author(s):  
Gustaw Michał Akartel

According to historical data, Karaites, as an ethnic group and as a religious community, settled in the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania under the Grand Duke Vytautas. Of their own free will or compulsion, the Karaites began to settle, first of all in Trakai, and then Vilnius, Galich and other places, as evidenced, in particular, by the recognition of privileges and their extension by subsequent Lithuanian princes, Polish kings and Russian emperors. Karaites never constituted a large ethnic group, both in the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland, and, after the partition of the Polish Commonwealth. In the western regions of the Russian Empire, especially since their number was in the 18th century, declined (the rebellion of the Haidamakas, and then due to the plague). In addition to the problem of Karaites, the article also pays attention to the (comparatively) legal, and not only, restrictions for the larger Jewish population.


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